covery and other such rights, had passed from European powers, to colonize on this side of the Atlantic. The principle was to be an American one, which all American governments would be alike interested in carrying out. But it was never meant by either Mr. Adams or Mr. Monroe that the Government of the United States should extend its power as a protector in this matter over the New World. That was not the sense of The Monroe Doctrine. The latter-day association of the idea of a universal protectorate with that doctrine, was, perhaps, a figment from the versatile mind of Mr. Jefferson.

As to the supposed main design of the "Holy Alliance," the perpetuation and extension of the false dogma of the "divine right" of monarchs to rule the world, there could be no doubt. This Nation was ready to stand up for and in concert with all America and Great Britain against a theory so offensive to its life and character.

England knew that the announcement in the message of the American Executive was to be a deathstab at the purposes of the "Holy Alliance," and it was openly declared by Mr. Brougham, and afterwards by Lord John Russell, that President Monroe had settled the matter, and given joy to millions of European freemen, and earned thereby their eternal gratitude.

CHAPTER XXVII.

MR. MONROE'S LAST ANNUAL MESSAGE-END OF THE ERA OF GOOD-WILL-LA FAYETTE COMES TO AMERICA.

URING the last months of Mr. Monroe's Admin

DUR

istration Mr. Crawford was so broken in health that he was seldom or never able to appear in the meetings of the Cabinet, yet what were supposed to be the machinations of his friends against the Administration did not cease. And notwithstanding his expressions of confidence in all his counselors, during the great heat of the political contest in the summer of 1824, Mr. Monroe was inclined to suspect Mr. Crawford of acting against the interests of his Administration. Calhoun and Adams both believed he was so acting, and Mr. Calhoun said that Crawford began his schemes in 1816. In Congress some efforts were made to draw Mr. Monroe into a course unfavorable to Mr. Crawford, from what was claimed to be his bad management of the affairs of the Treasury; still this was not successful, although Mr. Calhoun and Mr. Adams were both inclined to think the charges against Crawford were true.

Ninian Edwards, who had just been appointed Minister to Mexico, made formal charges against Mr. Crawford, and early in the spring of 1824, they were brought before the House. But the charges were not sustained upon investigation. It looked like an elec

tioneering trick of the opponents of Mr. Crawford, and Mr. Edwards did not come out unsinged himself. But the tempest at the Capital was very considerable, as could be inferred from the fact that in making arrangements for a 4th of July dinner, John P. Van Ness, one of the managers and a friend of Mr. Crawford, succeeded in having it publicly understood that Ninian Edwards was not to be admitted to the dinner. Like all such conduct, this did not prove beneficial to its promoter, as the President and his Cabinet had it announced in the papers that they could not attend the dinner, as their presence would indicate their sanction of the action against Governor Edwards. Accordingly the proposed 4th of July celebration was turned into a small party for the benefit of Mr. Crawford, who was all this time confined to his house and bed.

But Mr. Crawford was not the only Presidential aspirant accused of official mal-conduct. Mr. Calhoun, who was really very popular at that date, came in for a small share of public criticism, and even General Jacob Brown, commander of the army, thought aloud that Mr. Calhoun conducted the War Department with constant reference to increasing his own popularity. Mr. Adams was assailed with great fury by the "National Intelligencer" and other newspapers on charges of mismanagement of the State Department, and on other accounts equally trifling and unfounded. The Navy and Law Departments were without public interest, and Southard and Wirt managed to remain neutral in the many-sided contest. The President received anonymous letters advising him against most members of his Cabinet, the contents of which Mr.

George Hay had no trouble in making known to those most concerned.

Poor Monroe! What had become of the "era of good-feeling?" It had not deserted his mind, at all

events.

In the summer of 1824, he indicated to his Cabinet his desire to make appointments to all foreign missions unprovided for, and arrange for all changes in the diplomatic corps, etc., and intimated that while he wanted to avoid conflict with his own party, he was greatly desirous, as he always had been, of uniting and harmonizing the people of the whole country. Vain delusion! Mr. Adams at first advised against the appointments, as affecting the political condition of the candidates, the appointments to be made doubtlessly being held out as inducements to individual support. But he subsequently advised the President to make all the appointments he contemplated, and assured him that he had no wish touching them on his own part, he only desired the President's welfare.

After considering the subject for some time, under varying influences, Mr. Monroe finally concluded to leave all the appointments in question to his successor, whoever he might be.

The weary days passed, but the struggle for the Presidency unfortunately had not ended when Congress again convened on the 6th of December, 1824. On the next day Mr. Monroe sent to Congress his last, and

EIGHTH ANNUAL MESSAGE.

FELLOW-CITIZENS OF THE SENATE AND of the House of RepreSENTATIVES:

The view which I have now to present to you of our affairs, foreign and domestic, realizes the most sanguine anticipations

which have been entertained of the public prosperity. If we look to the whole, our growth as a Nation continues to be rapid beyond example; if to the States which compose it, the same. gratifying spectacle is exhibited. Our expansion over the vast territory within our limits has been great, without indicating any decline in those sections from which the emigration has been most conspicuous. We have daily gained strength by a native population in every quarter-a population devoted to our happy system of Government, and cherishing the bond of union with fraternal affection. Experience has already shown that the difference of climate and of industry proceeding from that cause, inseparable from such vast domains, and which under other systems might have a repulsive tendency, can not fail to produce with us, under wise regulations, the opposite effect. What one portion wants the other may supply, and this will be most sensibly felt by the parts most distant from each other, forming thereby a domestic market and an active intercourse between the extremes and throughout every portion of our Union. Thus, by a happy distribution of power between the National and State Governments, Governments which rest exclusively on the sovereignty of the people and are fully adequate to the great purposes for which they were respectively instituted, causes which might otherwise lead to dismemberment operate powerfully to draw us closer together. In every other circumstance a correct view of the actual state of our Union must be equally gratifying to our constituents. Our relations with foreign powers are of a friendly character, although certain interesting differences remain unsettled with some. Our revenue, under the mild system of impost and tonnage, continues to be adequate to all the purposes of the Government. Our agriculture, commerce, manufactures, and navigation flourish. Our fortifications are advancing in the degree authorized by existing appropriations to maturity, and due progress is made in the augmentation of the Navy to the limit prescribed for it by law. For these blessings, we owe to Almighty God, from whom we derive them, and with profound reverence, our most grateful and unceasing acknowledgments.

In adverting to our relations with foreign powers, which are always an object of the highest importance, I have to remark, that, of the subjects which have been brought into discussion with them during the present Administration some have been satisfactorily terminated; others have been suspended, to be