more than two qualifications, an inflexible integrity and a judgment unsusceptible of the bias of foreign suggestion, should be previously ascertained, and its consistency assured by the pledge of his life for the faithful discharge of so great a

trust.

Though the state of kingdoms is liable to dissolution from causes as mortal as those which intercept the course of human life; and though my opinion of the distempers which threaten that of the British empire in Bengal, may obtain credit from all who read it, yet I fear that few will yield to its impression. Like the stroke of death, which every man knows will come, but no man acts as if he felt the conviction which he avows and thinks he feels, the very magnitude of the catastrophe may in this case blunt the sense of those to whom it is visibly apparent.

I expect this effect, and foresee that I may expose myself to much obloquy by recommending so new and unpopular a system. Yet these considerations have not deterred me from endeavouring to render this last service to my country being assured, if successful, of my reward in the conscious applause of my own mind brightening the decline of my existence; and of this consolation in the dreaded reverse, that no means within the compass of my ability had been left untried to prevent it.

(Hastings, Memoirs Relative to the State of India, 1786.)

61. INDIAN OPINION OF HASTINGS' ADMINISTRATION

(The following passages are excerpts from the numerous addresses sent to England from India during Hastings' impeachment. They were not obtained by the Government of India, which directed its representatives to take no part in securing them, beyond ensuring that they were spontaneously given, and that no improper pressure was brought to bear. The signatories had nothing to gain, and nothing to fear, from Hastings when these papers were written.)

From the Inhabitants of Benares.

He laid the foundations of justice and the pillars of the law. In every shape, we, the inhabitants of this country, during the time of his administration, lived in ease and peace. We are therefore greatly satisfied with and thankful to him. As the said Mr. Hastings was long acquainted with the modes of government in these regions, so the inmost purpose of his heart was openly and secretly, indeed, bent upon those things

which might maintain inviolate our religious advances and persuasions, and guard us in even the minutest respect from misfortune and calamity. In every way he cherished us in honour and credit.

62.

From the Pundits and other Brahmins of Benares.

Whenever that man of vast reason, the Governor-General, Mr. Hastings, returned to this place, and people of all ranks were assembled, at that time he gladdened the heart of every one by his behaviour, which consisted of kind wishes and agreeable conversation, expressions of compassion for the distressed, acts of politeness, and a readiness to relieve and protect every one alike without distinction. To please us dull people, he caused a spacious music gallery to be built, at his own expense, over the gateway of the temple of Veesmaswar, which is esteemed the head jewel of all places of holy visitation. He never at any time, nor on any occasion, either by neglecting to promote the happiness of the people, or by looking with the eye of covetousness, displayed an inclination to distress any individual whatsoever.

63.

From the Inhabitants of Murshidabad.

The whole period of Mr. Hastings' residence in this country exhibited his good conduct towards the inhabitants. No oppression nor tyranny was admitted over any one. He observed the rules of respect and attention to ancient families. He did not omit the performance of the duties of politeness and civility towards all men of rank and station when an interview took place with them. In affairs concerning the government and revenues, he was not covetous of other men's money and property; he was not open to bribery. He restricted the farmers and officers in their oppressions in a manner that prevented them from exercising that tyranny which motives of self-interest and private gain might instigate them to observe towards the ryots and helpless. He used great exertions to cultivate the country, to increase the agriculture and the He transacted the business of the country and revenues without deceit, and with perfect propriety and rectitude. He respected the learned and wise men, and in order

revenues.

for the propagation of learning he built a college, and endowed it with a provision for the maintenance of the students, insomuch that thousands reaping the benefits thereof offer up their prayers for the prosperity of England, and for the success of the Company.

(Proceedings at the Trial of Warren Hastings.)

CHAPTER V

THE NEW SYSTEM CONSOLIDATED

Cornwallis and Shore

1786-1798

THE controversy in England about the government of Warren Hastings had at least one great advantage, that it concentrated attention in a degree hitherto unknown upon the problem of Indian government. The provisions of the Act of 1773 had been demonstrated to be inadequate, and it was agreed on all hands that the British Government must assume a more direct control over the political affairs of the Company. The Coalition Government of 1783, which included Burke and others among Hastings' bitterest enemies, proposed a measure (known as Fox's India Bill, but really inspired by Burke) which would in effect have swept aside the Company as a political power, and brought all political appointments in India under the control of a Commission, which was to be appointed in the first instance by Parliament, and after seven years by the Crown. The chief advocates of this measure had ten years earlier opposed North's Act as an intolerable invasion of the rights of property, because it interfered with the right of the Company to do what it would with its own. Fox's India Bill was thrown out by the House of Lords, partly under the influence of the King, partly because of the opposition of commercial interests, but mainly because it was widely believed that the aim of the Whigs was to obtain control of the vast patronage of India for purposes of political corrup

tion. When the Coalition Government fell, its successor, the Government of the younger Pitt, brought forward a compromise measure (No. 64) which left political as well as commercial powers in the hands of the Company, but subjected the Directors to the close supervision of a new department of State, known henceforward as the Board of Control. The head of the Board was at first one of the Secretaries of State without special salary; but after 1793 a special salaried President of the Board of Control was established, and this officer was ultimately responsible for the government of British India until he was succeeded, in 1858, by the Secretary of State for India. Indeed, in its main lines, the Act of 1784, though modified in detail by many subsequent Acts, remained the governing Act for Indian affairs down to 1858.

The relation between the Board of Control and the Company is defined in the first 17 clauses of the Act. These clauses give to the Board the last word in all matters of policy, though the Directors have to be consulted; but all appointments were left in the hands of the Company, though the Board had the right (§ 22) of recalling any British official in India. The Governor-General and the Governors of Madras and Bombay were still left liable to be overridden by their Councils (§ 21), but as the number of Councillors was reduced to three (§ 19), the Governor, by the use of his casting vote, could always make his will predominate if he had one supporter. This provision, had it existed in 1773, would have saved Hastings from being overridden by the majority in Council from 1774 to 1776. But it did not go far enough to meet the requirements defined by Hastings for efficient government (see No. 39). And Hastings' opinion was shared by others: Lord Cornwallis refused at first to accept the GovernorGeneralship under the Act of 1784 because his power would not be equal to his responsibility. In response to his criticisms, this defect was met in the supplementary Act of 1793 (No. 65), whereby the Governor-General was empowered to disregard the majority in Council, provided he did so in a formal way, accepting the responsibility for his own action. Thus