of Justice. Warren Hastings, passing the peaceful evening of his days at his modest country house in England, knew that it was he who had begun this wonderful work, and that it would have been impossible without him. England now knew this also. When the old man was called to give evidence before the House of Commons, now beginning to understand the problem of Indian government, the whole House rose and stood uncovered as he entered and again as he left a wonderful spontaneous tribute to the founder of just rule in India, which perhaps compensated for the bitter injustice of the impeachment. The quiet period of Minto's rule was followed by another period of rapid extension of power under Lord Moira (later created Marquess of Hastings), 1814-1823. This able and self-confident man was a friend of Warren Hastings and | had learnt much from him. But he had also been a severe critic of Wellesley's ambitious policy, and came out resolved to make no new conquests. Nevertheless he was forced into two wars. One was against the Gurkhas of Nepal, who had invaded the British territory lying below their mountain kingdom: it was a hard-fought fight, and its result was a definition of frontiers and a lasting friendship with this little state, which henceforth provided some of the best fighting material for the Company's arms. have not space for any descriptive excerpts. more important, of these struggles was the final Mahratta war, which ended in the destruction of the Mahratta confederacy, the annexation of nearly all the Peshwa's lands and many of those of the other princes, and the bringing of the remaining/ Mahratta rulers definitely under British suzerainty. It also led to the establishment of a protectorate over the little Rajput and other states of the North-West, and brought the boundary of the British Raj to the Sutlej and the Indus, leaving only the Punjab and Sindh outside the orbit of an empire which now, only sixty years after Plassey, extended uninterruptedly from the Himalayas to Cape Comorin. The causes of this decisive war were twofold. In the first place, the Pindaris, who were On this war we organised bands of plunderers numbering in all some 30,000, becoming, because of their long impunity, more and more insolent, began to commit outrages within the British territory (Nos. 94, 95). The description of the ravages of these miscreants gives some idea of the evils from which India was saved by British rule. The most rudimentary duty to the subjects of the Company required that they should be rooted out. But they had their centres in the heart of the Mahratta country, and were under the protection of the Mahratta princes, who counted upon being able to use their strength in war. In the second place, the Mahratta princes were secretly united in a plan, which only came to light gradually, for reviving their confederacy, disorganised by Wellesley, and for overthrowing the Company's power. The attack on the Pindaris precipitated their rising. Sindhia, indeed, promptly dealt with, remained unwillingly quiescent; but both the Peshwa and Bhonsla made treacherous attacks upon the British residents at their courts; and the forces of Holkar took the field to aid them. The course of these events is very clearly shown in the text, which consists partly of official documents (Nos. 96, 98-100) and partly of a series of excerpts from the GovernorGeneral's private diary (Nos. 94, 97). These documents make it absolutely clear that the war was not in any sense an aggressive war on the Company's side; and that the rearrangements and annexations by which it was concluded were quite necessary as a safeguard for future peace. The Peshwa disappeared as a ruling prince; and Elphinstone undertook the organisation of his territories as a British province. He retired with a handsome pension to Bithur, near Cawnpore, where his adopted son, Nana Sahib, was to play a terrible part in 1857. Holkar and Bhonsla were deprived of much of their territory, and both they and Sindhia were left in a position which made them incapable of again challenging the supremacy of the British power. Their vassal-princes made treaties of dependent alliance with the Company; and the establishment of the Company's paramount power throughout India was completed. 87. THE COMPANY'S POLICY IN REGARD TO CHRISTIAN MISSIONS The Court of Directors to the Governor of Fort St. George. May 29, 1807. In the whole course of our administration of the Indian territories it has been our known and declared principle to maintain a perfect toleration of the various religious systems which prevailed in them; to protect the followers of each in the undisturbed enjoyment of their respective opinions and usages; neither to interfere with them ourselves, nor to suffer them to be molested by others. When we afforded our countenance and sanction to missionaries who have from time to time proceeded to India for the purpose of propagating the Christian religion, it was far from being in our contemplation to add the influence of our authority to any attempts they might make; for on the contrary we were perfectly aware that the progress of such conversion will be slow and gradual, arising more from a conviction of the principles of our religion itself, and from the pious examples of its teachers, than from any undue influence or from the exertions of authority, which are never to be resorted to in such cases. (Lord Minto in India, 63.) 88. MINTO'S CRITICISM OF THE MISSIONARIES Lord Minto to the Chairman of the East India Company, 1807. Let me recommend to your serious consideration the principal publications which have issued from the Serampore press,1 in the native languages, the sole effect of which was not to convert, but to alienate, the professors of both religions prevalent amongst the natives of this country. Pray read especially the miserable stuff addressed to the Hindus, in which... without proof or argument of any kind, the pages are filled with hell fire, denounced against a whole race of men for believing in the religion which they were taught by their fathers and mothers, and the truth of which it is simply impossible it should ever have entered into their minds to 1 The Mission Press worked by the group of missionaries, of whom William Carey was the most famous. Their headquarters were at the Danish settlement of Serampore. doubt. Is this the doctrine of our faith? . . . If there are two opinions among Christians on this point, I can only say that I am of the sect which believes that a just God will condemn no being without individual guilt. . . A total abolition of caste is openly preached. . . . Is it possible that your Government should be required to countenance public exhortations addressed to a Hindu nation to efface at once, not a little spot of yellow paste from the forehead, but the whole institution of caste itself, that is to say, their whole scheme of civil polity as well as their fondest and most rooted religious tenets? This is to be accomplished by coarse and scurrilous invective against the most revered order of Hindu society 1 and addressed to that order itself. I leave you to form your own judgment on these performances, which will be that of a Christian gentleman. . . . I am no enemy to the progress of Christianity in India. It is the way, I observe, of some who are personally engaged in the work of conversion to confound any little check in correction of their own errors with opposition or hostility to their purpose, and to call out Atheism, Deism, and above all persecution, whenever a slip in their own conduct has required to be rectified. I do not think we should be justified in refusing the dispensation of the Christian revelation to this great country for our interest or security, but I am not equally ready to sacrifice the great interests which are confided to me to a blind principle of complaisance towards every indiscretion which zeal or negligence may commit. (Lord Minto in India, 78.) 89. THE FRENCH DANGER AND BRITISH RELATIONS WITH THE NORTH-WESTERN POWERS Lord Minto to the Directors, February 2, 1808. As long as France might be engaged in continental wars in Europe, the project of directing her arms towards this quarter must be considered impracticable; but if her armies have been liberated by a pacification with Russia,2 and by the continued submission of the Powers of Europe, the advance of a considerable force of French troops into Persia under the 1 The Brahmins. 2 The reference is to the Treaty of Tilsit between Napoleon and the Tsar of Russia, 1807. This agreement was believed to include a plan for a joint Franco-Russian advance on India. acquiescence of the Turkish, Russian, and Persian powers, cannot be deemed an undertaking beyond the scope of that energy and perseverance which distinguish the present ruler of France.. The ascendancy of France being once established in the territories of Persia it may justly be expected that they may be enabled gradually to extend their influence towards the region of Hindostan, and ultimately open a passage for their troops into the dominion of the Company. Arduous as such an undertaking must necessarily be, we are not warranted in deeming it in the present situation of affairs to be altogether chimerical and impracticable under the guidance of a man whose energy and success appear almost commensurate with his ambition. We deem it our duty to act under a supposition of its practicability, and to adopt whatever measures are in our judgment calculated to counteract it, even at the hazard of injury to some local and immediate interests. (Lord Minto in India, 101.) 90. THE EMBASSY TO PERSIA Instructions to Colonel Malcolm,1 1808. (Malcolm's embassy was ineffective. Its chief result was his book on Persia.) First, to detach the Court of Persia from the French alliance; and to prevail on that Court to refuse the passage of French troops through the territories subject to Persia, or the admission of French troops into the country. If that cannot be obtained, to admit English troops with a view of opposing the French army in its progress to India, to prevent the cession of any maritime port, and the establishment of French factories on the coast of Persia. Second, to obtain authentic intelligence on all points. interesting to the Government. . . Colonel Malcolm's opinion and advice would also be required by the Government as to the policy to be adopted in either of two contingencies supposed the active hostility of Persia, or her neutrality. (Lord Minto in India, 110.) 1 Sir John Malcolm, special envoy to Persia, afterwards Governor of Bombay, and author of several standard works on India. |