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The responsibility for such coordination would be placed in the highest representative body of the world-the General Assembly; but it would fall to the Economic and Social Council, under its authority, to work out the practical problems inivolved in such a program.

The Economic and Social Council would be assisted by a series of expert commissions, for ecoInomic problems, for social problems, and for any other group of problems, which might be required in this field. An economic commission, for example, served by a highly trained staff, might develop into a sort of international economic general staff in connection with the world organization.

Let me remind you that in this area the Organization would act through recommendations both to governments and to the specialized agencies. It seems likely, however, that recommendations made by the General Assembly or by the Economic land Social Council on the basis of informed and careful preparation by such a staff would command wide attention and respect. This would surely give a very real impetus to effective solution of difficult and complicated, but immensely important, economic and social problems. Its fundamental purpose would be to create conditions under which international disputes would be less likely to arise.

This then is the general plan of the international organization proposed at Dumbarton Oaks. But at least three more steps need to be taken for the effective establishment of the structure. The first would be to negotiate its charter, which would set forth the obligations to be assumed by member states and the basic machinery of the Organization. The second step would be to negotiate an agreement or a series of agreements for the provision by member states of armed forces and facilities for use by the Security Council. The third step would be to negotiate agreements for the regulation of armaments, looking toward a reduction of the heavy burden of armaments. Each of

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these instruments would be subject to approval by each of the nations involved, in accordance with its constitutional processes. Upon the completion of these negotiations there would emerge a flexible machinery of organized international relations fully capable of development and growth. No • machinery made by man will in itself provide security. But if the peace-loving nations of the world are firmly resolved to establish such machinery and if they have the sustained will to use and to support it, the proposed Organization would doubtless, we believe, represent a tremendous advance in our modern world.

Now before closing I venture, purely by way of illustration, to indulge in one or two personal reminiscences which may indicate why I am so profoundly happy to have been associated with the work at Dumbarton Oaks. In 1898, I remember, as a youth, the outbreak of our war with Spain. It was the sinking of the Maine that caused the long smoldering resentment of our people to blaze into war, but our differences with Spain were of long duration and of cumulative intensity. Did not the continuance of those differences endanger the maintenance of international peace long, long ⚫ before war occurred, and would not those differences have been dealt with by such an international body as we now visualize in order to allay that threat in the interests of all?

In 1907 I watched from St. Petersburg the gathering clouds of eventual war. In 1910 and 1911 I saw from Vienna the gradual development of the irritation that resulted in the Balkan wars, and from then until 1914 I watched, from Berlin, the steadily mounting danger of the first World War. At Lausanne in 1923 I was fortunate, by an allnight conference alternately with Mr. Venizelos and General Ismet Pasha, now President of the Turkish Republic, in securing the reciprocal concessions which helped to stave off war between Turkey and Greece, which were then on the very threshold of renewed hostilities owing to a long series of mutual irritations. And then in Tokyo

during the 10 years from 1932 to 1941 I watched, impotently, the development of the arrogant and aggressive militarism that had led to the invasion. of Manchuria in 1931 and that soon brought about the invasion of North China in 1937 and ultimately the attack on Pearl Harbor in 1941.

With such a background is it surprising that the following thoughts found expression in my diary

in 1933:

"Our peace machinery while magnificent theory is ineffective in practice. It is ineffective because it is superficial. It is like a poultice prescribed for cancer by the surgeon long after the cancer has been allowed to develop. Most of our international ills closely resemble the ravages of cancer. They generally begin on a small scale as a result of long irritation on a given spot. Even t the most skillful physician may not be able to sense the irritation in advance, but the moment the obvious symptoms appear, he seeks to eradicate the disease by treatment long before operation becomes necessary.

"The future peace machinery of the world must go one step further than the physician. It must sense the spots of irritation and diagnose the future potentialities of disease and attempt treatment long before the disease itself materializes.

...

"To put the matter in a nutshell, the peace machinery of the world must be far more radical, far more prescient, far more concerned with facts, conditions and circumstances than with theories than it is today if it is ever to succeed in abolishing

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"Some day in the distant future we shall have, perhaps, a sort of Faculty of International Political Health who will study international relationships from every point of view, much as the family physician studies, or should study, the mental, physical, and moral condition of his individual charges. When sources of potential danger to international health are perceived, the Faculty will prescribe, long before the actual ill

ness occurs, in order to eliminate the causes o potential friction, the sources of infection. Th curative measures must be taken long, long befor the disease has been given an opportunity to grow In international affairs, once the fever of ani mosity has appeared, avoidance of the disease i uncertain; it may be too late. The prophylacti steps must be taken in time. Much can be don around a green table in a definite case by the sobe judgment of a few far-sighted statesmen long be fore public opinion has had a chance to becom inflamed and their own saner judgment warped by the course of events and by the heat of inter national animosity.

"This Faculty of International Politica Health-a vision of the future (and let me labe it as purely a phantasy of my own mind)-mus sit constantly, conducting research as in any lab oratory, precisely as the Rockefeller Foundation and other similar bodies are constantly conducting their research for the elimination of cancer today. ... Their findings, their warnings, thei recommendations must be made in time for the prophylactic measures to be effective.

"We have come a long way since the First Hague Peace Conference of 1899; we still have a long way to go. But need we be discouraged? This movement toward international cooperation did not spring, like Athena from the brow of Zeus, fullgrown from birth; it must develop gradually, profiting like any infant from its lessons and experience. It will grow to full maturity. . .

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I ask you, ladies and gentlemen, to consider whether the proposed General Assembly, the Economic and Social Council, the Security Council, which is to sit constantly, fortified by the court of international justice and the Military Staff Committee, do not provide a sort of Faculty of International Political, Economic, and Social Health that will be potent to arrest international disease in its incipiency and thus work toward the goal of averting for all future time the awful ca tastrophe of another world war.

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