32-47.) their principles. He had begun life on their side and had indeed been one of the chief movers in drawing up the Petition of Right. After Buckingham had disappeared he seems to have felt that the danger of evil counsellers was removed. He (Traill's Strafford, thought the King would rule well if wisely guided, and he also saw, what after events proved to be the case, that Parliament could easily become as tyrannical as the King, He therefore, when, as he judged, sufficient safeguards had been obtained, went over to the King's side. The party he forsook never forgave him. (Green 535-6.) Pym in particular pursued him relentlessly. As soon as the 2. Pym's Leadership Long Parliament met he determined to destroy him. Perhaps he was wise, as he probably knew that Strafford recognised it was to be a struggle between them to the death. Strafford. (Green, 537; Traill's Gardiner's Docu Strafford, 172-206; Strafford was impeached, on a multitude of charges relating 3. Impeachment of to the Eleven Years' Tyranny. He had advised the Scottish war. He had laid himself open to attack by his government of Ireland, which he made effective and beneficial, but often by questionable methods. He had collected an Irish army for use against the Scots, and it was firmly believed that he had advised the King to use it to crush opposition in England also. ments, xxxii.) Treason. But all this could not be twisted into treason. None of the offences were treason in themselves, though Pym urged that collectively they amounted to treason. Strafford answered, effectively enough, that a thousand black rabbits did not make one black horse. More fatal too was the legal point. Straf- 4. The Law of ford's whole object had been without question the strengthening of the king's authority, and in face of the letter of the law of treason, which spoke always of offences against the King, it was useless to urge that this meant offences against the State. No Court of Justice would accept a view which was entirely novel then, and it was quite certain the Lords would not. The Impeachment accordingly broke down and a Bill of Attainder was substituted. This simply asserted Strafford's guilt. It had to pass the Lords and receive the King's assent like any other Act of Parliament. The Lords accepted it. They knew the King could not throw over his strongest supporter and friend, and they did not mind removing from themselves the unpopularity of saving Strafford. Moreover, Pym frightened them by stories not without some foundation, of an Army Plot, arranged by the Queen, for bringing the 5. "Army Plot." army from Yorkshire to overawe the Parliament. This Plot' also became known to the populace, and a threatening demonstration took place against the Queen, who, as a Frenchwoman and a Papist, had never been liked. To save his wife and in hopes of finding some remedy, Charles weakly gave the royal assent to the Bill. He had solemnly promised Strafford that not a hair of his head should be 5. Attainder of Strafford. touched. Strafford knew his weaknesses well. Put not your trust in Princes he said when he was told the king had surrendered him; and, a few days afterwards, the king's 7. Exec. of Strafford strongest supporter was beheaded. He paid the penalty of his abilities he was too able and too devoted to the king to be spared. 1641. (Green 539.) Constitutional Results. c, Other Reforms. I. Ship Money verdicts reversed. 2. Star Chamber, etc. abolished. 3. Triennial Act, d, Beginnings of Revolution. The constitutional results of the trial were most important: 2. It decided that ministers of State were answerable to The Court of Star Chamber. The High Commission Court, The Council of the North. The Triennial Act was next passed. The existing law had laid down for many years that parliament should meet annually but the king had never summoned it except when he needed it, and there was no means of calling it if the king failed to do so. It was now decided (i.) that parliament should meet at least triennially; (ii.) Elaborate methods were provided for ensuring this if the king should not summon it; (iii.) the present parliament was not to be dissolved without its own consent. 1. Duration of Parlt. This last provision was of course quite revolutionary. It made the Parliament independent of both king and people, and it proved the source of many difficulties in the future. 2. Root and Branch Bill. (Macaulay i. 49.) e, The Recess. Revolutionary also was the Root and Branch Bill," which proposed to destroy Episcopacy. This was however only brought in to terrorise the Lords. The House adjourned in September 1641. The six weeks adjournment, in September and October, 1641, marks the end of unanimity in the Long Parliament. Hitherto there had been, generally speaking, a common desire on the part of the members to bring about certain reforms which should prevent the king from exercising undue power in the future. Many held that sufficient had by this time been done. But many desired to go much further, and to make the parliament absolutely independent of the king. This is what we are accustomed to now, but it was revolutionary then. During the recess two events occurred far away from London which greatly embittered the extreme party in parliament, and intensified the distrust of Charles. The king went to Scotland, nominally to execute the Treaty of Ripon, really to try to get the Scots to his side. He entirely failed, and his credit was seriously injured by a mysterious attempt to assassinate Argyll and other Scottish leaders. The attempt is known as the Incident." Massacres. (Green 541.) In Ireland a terrible rising took place of the Roman Catholic 2. The Irish populace, who had long been ill-treated by the Scottish and English settlers, against their oppressors, and shocking massacres followed. Many suspected the king of being privy to it, and more feared to entrust him with means to restore order lest he should use them against his opponents in England. When parliament reassembled, Pym and Hampden drew up f, Development of a document which was intended to be a justification of their antagonism to the king. Instead of letting bygones be bygones they desired to inflame public opinion still more, and to this end they formulated the Grand Remonstrance. It was (i.) as its name literally means, a showing up again of all the unpopular things which the king had done since his accession, but without, of course, giving his side of the dispute ; (ii.) it contained a defence of the acts of the anti-royalist This was passed, but it at once made clear that there were It was evident the party which issued it would be content with nothing short of absolute supremacy—over both Crown and Church. These desired revolution, and were determined to win a decisive victory over the Crown and to make the Church a Puritan sect. The deepest and most sacred feelings on both sides were aroused, and many found themselves in a difficult position. Many were torn between loyalty to Church and king on the one side and a wish for constitutional reform on the other. Such were Lord Falkland and Edward Hyde, afterwards, as Lord Clarendon, the Chancellor of Charles ii. and historian of The Great Rebellion. They were fearful of what further proceedings might bring, though as zealous as any for the dignity of parliament. Revolutionary 1. Grand Remon- The revolutionary party saw themselves justified when Charles made his famous attempt to arrest their ringleaders, Pym, Hampden, Hollis, Strode, and Haslerig, on a charge of treason based on their dealings with the Scottish rebels. Like Cromwell afterwards, he determined to overawe the Parliament by a display of physical force, but unlike Cromwell he failed. He went in person to the House of Commons and demanded the Five Members from the Speaker. Lenthall answered that he had neither eyes to see nor tongue to speak save as the House directed. The accused members had taken refuge in the city, and Charles withdrew baffled and foiled, while cries of privilege' from every side showed how the house resented his conduct. The king's supporters left London; and indeed the state of feeling among the populace made their stay in the city unsafe. The Members of the king's party in parliament, some 35 Peers and 60 Commons, met at York in opposition to those who remained at Westminster. They subsequently sat at Oxford and called themselves the "Parliament." To the name they had of course as much, and as little, right as the remainder who sat at Westminster. Charles had gone to the House in search of the Five Members with a band of soldiers, and the opposition retaliated by demanding control over the Militia. This was the only regular military force which the country possessed. It was becoming more and more evident that the quarrel could only be settled by an appeal to arms. The final demands of the anti-royalists after the withdrawal of the rest, are shown in the Nineteen Propositions. They demanded full control over Ministers of State, Church Reform, and the Militia. The first definite act of 'rebellion' was the refusal of the Governor of Hull, Sir John Hotham, to admit the king into the town, which was an important military arsenal. This occurred in April, 1642. Distribution ot Parties a. Geographical c. Religious 2. THE (1st) CIVIL WAR. IST CAMPAIGN, 1642. Royalist Plan: to march on London After skirmish at Powick Bridge Charles is opposed by Essex at Edgehill but proceeds to Brentford: retires to Oxford. General Results: indecisive, and Negociations at Oxford (1643) fail. i. North. 2ND CAMPAIGN 1643. Royalist Plan: Three Armies to attack London. Royalist victory at Adwalton Moor wins Yorkshire for the King; but a. Hull cannot be left; b. Eastern Association blocks the way ii. West. Royalist victories at Stratton, Lansdown Hill, and Roundway Down, win Devon for the King; but a, Plymouth cannot be left; b. Hopton is defeated at Cheriton (1644) iii. Midlands. [Hampton killed at Chalgrove Field] Main army cannot advance because a. Essex commands the main roads ; b. Gloucester cannot be left untaken in the rear. Attempt General Results: almost in favour of Royalists. Parliament therefore, con- a. Gives Parliament a temporary increase of military b. But soon brings it into conflict with Independents (Army) Death of Pym 1644 Rise of the Independents a. Their importance b. Their opinions c. Their service to Toleration The Irish Cessation. 3RD CAMPAIGN 1644 [Parliament strengthened by (a) Growing influence of Independents; (b) Scottish help; (c) King's bringing over of troops. from Ireland caused much offence.] 2. Defeat at Cheriton in west 3. Surrender of Irish troops at Nantwich b. Royalist Victories: Jealousy between Essex and Waller enables c. Royalist Disaster: Marston Moor-North lost to King Parliamentary army moves south and intercepts the King, on his General Results: mutual recriminations break out between the Presbyterian 1. Propositions at Uxbridge (by former) 2. Self-denying Ordinance (by latter) creates New Model Army, 4TH CAMPAIGN 1645: the irresistible New Model Army. 1. North. Montrose attempts a diversion in Scotland. Rupert starts 2. Midlands and West. Distribution of parties. a. Geographical. North. Philiphaugh.] Surrender of Bristol [Montrose defeated at Defeats at Hopton Heath, Torrington (1646), Stowe-in-the-Wold. As in the Wars of the Roses, so now in the Civil War, local divisions were seen. The king's chief centres of military activity were three: York, Oxford and the South-West. Roughly speaking a line drawn from Hull to Southampton would mark the division: the king's chief supporters were to the west of it and those of the Parliamentarians to the east. In the north, Lord Newcastle commanded the Royalists: his headquarters at York were linked to the king's chief centre, |