United States to the treaty concluded at London on the 17th of October, 1856, between the two Governments. It will be recol

lected that this treaty was rejected by the British Government because of its objection to the just and important amendment of the Senate to the article relating to Ruatan and the other islands in the Bay of Honduras.

"It must be a source of sincere satisfaction to all classes of our fellow-citizens, and especially to those engaged in foreign commerce, that the claim on the part of Great Britain, forcibly to visit and search American merchant vessels on the high seas in time of peace, has been abandoned. This was by far the most dangerous question to the peace of the two countries which has existed since the war of 1812. While it remained open they might at any moment have been precipitated into a war. This was rendered manifest by the exasperated state of public feeling throughout our entire country, produced by the forcible search of American merchant vessels by British cruisers on the coast of Cuba in the spring of 1858. The American people hailed with general acclaim the orders of the Secretary of the Navy to our naval force in the Gulf of Mexico to protect all vessels of the United States on the high seas from search or detention by the vessels of war of any other nation.' These orders might have produced an immediate collision between the naval forces of the two countries. This was most fortunately prevented by an appeal to the justice of Great Britain and to the law of nations as expounded by her own eminent jurists.

"The only question of any importance which still remains open is the disputed title between the two Governments to the Island of San Juan, in the vicinity of Washington territory. As this question is still under negotiation, it is not deemed advisable at the present moment to make any other allusion to the subject.

"The recent visit of the Prince of Wales, in a private character, to the people of this country, has proved to be a most auspicious event. In its consequences it cannot fail to increase the kindred and kindly feelings which I trust may ever actuate the Government and people of both countries in their political and social intercourse with each other.

"KANSAS.-At the period of my inauguration I was confronted in Kansas by a revolutionary Government existing under what is called the Topeka constitution. Its avowed object was to subdue the territorial Government by force, and to inaugurate what was called the Topeka Government in its stead. To accomplish this object an extensive military organization was formed, and its command intrusted to the most violent revolutionary leaders. Under these circumstances, it became my imperative duty to exert the whole constitutional power of the Executive to prevent the flames of civil war from again raging in Kansas, which, in the excited state of the public mind, both North and South, might have extended into the neighbouring States.

"The hostile parties in Kansas had been inflamed against each other, by emissaries both from the North and the South, to a degree of malignity without parallel in our history. To prevent actual

collision, and to assist the civil magistrates in enforcing the laws, a strong detachment of the army was stationed in the Territory, ready to aid the marshal and his deputies when lawfully called upon, as a posse comitatus, in the execution of civil and criminal process.

"Still, the troubles in Kansas could not have been permanently settled without an election by the people. The ballot-box is the surest arbiter of disputes among freemen. Under this conviction, every proper effort was employed to induce the hostile parties to vote at the election of delegates to frame a State Constitution, and afterwards at the election to decide whether Kansas should be a slave or a free State. The insurgent party refused to vote at either, lest this might be considered a recognition on their part of the Territorial Government established by Congress. A better spirit, however, seemed soon after to prevail, and the two parties met face to face at the third election, held on the first Monday of January, 1858, for members of the Legislature and State officers under the Lecompton Constitution. The result was the triumph of the anti-slavery party at the polls. This decision of the ballot-box proved clearly that this party were in the majority, and removed the danger of civil war. From that time we have heard little or no thing of the Topeka Government, and all serious danger of revolutionary troubles in Kansas was then at an end.

"The Lecompton Constitution, which had been thus recognized at this State election by the votes of both political parties in Kansas, was transmitted to me with the

request that I should present it to Congress. This I could not have refused to do without violating my clearest and strongest conviction of duty. The Constitution, and all the proceedings which preceded and followed its formation, were fair and regular on their face. I then believed, and experience has proved, that the interests of the people of Kansas would have been best consulted by its admission as a State into the Union, especially as the majority, within a brief period, could have amended the Constitution according to their will and pleasure. If fraud existed in all or any of these proceedings, it was not for the President, but for Congress, to investigate and determine the question of fraud, and what ought to be its consequences. If, at the two first elections, the majority refused to vote, it cannot be pretended that this refusal to exercise the elective franchise could invalidate an election fairly held under lawful authority, even if they had not subsequently voted at the third election. It is true that the whole Constitution had not been submitted to the people, as I always desired, but the precedents are numerous of the admission of States into the Union without such submission.

not, be speedily subdued and brought to justice.

"Had I treated the Lecompton Constitution as a nullity and refused to transmit it to Congress, it is not difficult to imagine, while recalling the position of the country at that moment, what would have been the disastrous consequences, both in and out of the Territory, from such a dereliction of duty on the part of the Executive.

"AFRICAN SLAVE TRADE.-It is with great satisfaction I communicate the fact that since the date of my last annual Message not a single slave has been imported into the United States in violation of the laws prohibiting the African slave trade. This statement is founded upon a thorough examination and investigation of the subject. Indeed, the spirit which prevailed some time since among a portion of our fellow-citizens in favour of this trade seems to have entirely subsided.

"FILIBUSTERING.-I also congratulate you upon the public sentiment which now exists against the crime of setting on foot military expeditions within the limits of the United States, to proceed thence and make war upon the people of unoffending States with whom we are at peace. In this respect a happy change has been effected since the commencement of my administration. It surely ought to be the prayer of every

Christian and patriot that such expeditions may never again receive countenance in our country or depart from our shores.

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CONCLUSION.-When I entered upon the duties of the Presidential office the aspect neither of our foreign nor domestic affairs was at all satisfactory. We were involved in dangerous complications with several nations, and two of our territories were in a state of revolution against the Government. A restoration of the African slave trade had numerous and powerful advocates. Unlawful military expeditions were countenanced by many of our citizens, and were suffered, in defiance of the efforts of the Government, to escape from our shores for the purpose of making war upon the unoffending people of neighbouring republics, with whom we were at peace. In addition to these and other difficulties we experienced a revulsion in monetary affairs, soon after my advent to power, of unexampled severity and of ruinous consequences to all the great interests of the country. When we take a retrospect of what was then our condition, and contrast this with its material prosperity at the time of the late Presidential election, we have abundant reason to return our grateful thanks to that merciful Providence which has never forsaken us as a nation in all our past trials.

"JAMES BUCHANAN."

WREC

RECKS IN 1859.-The Report of the Board of Trade of the wrecks and casualties which occurred on the coasts of the United Kingdom in 1859 is a sad record of disaster. The number of ships and lives lost during that year are greatly in excess of those recorded in any previous year. Of casualties there were 1416 in 1859, against 1170 in 1858. But this, bad as it is, is merciful in comparison with the loss of lives: no fewer than 1645 persons perished, the number in the previous year being 340. The year throughout its course was marked by a succession of gales, some as violent as any that have been recorded. The storms of February caused numerous casualties, but the terrible storms of the 25th and 26th October, and the three days' tempest of October 31, November 1 and 2, made a shocking addition to the lists. In the former gales there were no fewer than 133 total wrecks, and 90 casualties. On the morning of the 26th, the Royal Charter and 446 of her crew and passengers perished; 798 persons were swallowed up in the waves within these fortyeight hours. In the latter storm VOL. CII.

the total wrecks were 27, and the casualties 27; but only 51 lives were lost. Two other great catastrophes, besides that of the Royal Charter, marked the year-the loss of the Pomona, on the 28th April, on the Blackwater Bank, when, of 448 persons on board, 24 only were saved; and the destruction of the Blervie Castle, and the 56 persons on board, on or about the 20th December. The causes and circumstances of this disaster are totally unknown, and it became known only by the discovery of a large part of her side drifting on the sea.

Among other wrecks, those noticeable for loss of life are those of the Czar steamer, 13 persons drowned; the Australia, 24; the Cuba, 12; the Favorite, 36; the Charles Holmes, 25; the Capital, 10; the Iron Age, 11; a ship unknown, off Trevose Head, 16; a barque unknown, foundered near Padstow, 18; a brig unknown, also near Padstow; the Wanderer, 11; the Tyrol, 19; the Eagle, 11; the Miribita, 12; the Canton, 15.

The loss of property in ships wrecked or injured is estimated at 870,000l.; in cargoes at 893,000l. -a total of nearly two millions. B