ter would again venture to agree to. Mr. Pitt is reprefented as the inflexible minifter, whom no peace would content, because he wished for none: He is the minifter of war; blood is his element; conqueft his rage; and battles his food! Yet, to eke out the praise on lord Bute's peace, it is called better than Mr. Pitt's would have been. So that Mr. Pitt was ftill more pacific than lord Bute; and not fo attentive to the national intereft in the terms he agreed to. How confiftent these !

It is indeed but falfe luftre which a foil gives; and if it is the best thing that can be faid for the peace, that it is not the worft that might have been made, or not quite fo bad as another would have concluded, it is but a poor commendation; and a forry fatisfaction for the blood and treasure that have been expended to procure it. The affertion, however, that the peace is more advantageous than ⚫ that Mr. Pitt would have made when in power,' is only a stricture of fashionable fallacy: A relative advantage may be a real damage: Many things that are better than others, are yet in themselves very bad. To make a fair comparison between Mr. Pitt's treaty and lord Bute's peace, the nation must be put into the fame circumftances, both of coft and conqueft, at the time of the one as of the other.

For there may be more acquired, and yet lefs gained, when the account is fairly balanced. The most advantageous terms may be the least adequate, when all circumstances are duly confidered. Conditions that are in themselves moft lucrative, may be of the smallest profit, and the most unfuitable, when estimated by an equal rule of proportion, and judged of by the true ftandard of fituation, capacity, and opportunity. If the late peace is brought to this teft, it will be a hard task to prove the fuperiority; and not very easy to demonstrate VOL. I.

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the equality of the terms of it, to thofe adhered to by Mr. Pitt, in the former negociations.

The reafon of Mr. Pitt's not agreeing to farther conceffions, and of lord Bute's not infifting upon greater advantages, is to be found in their different characters, and the oppofite principles by which they were led. The one could not be more eager to have any, than the other was defirous to have a good peace. Mr. Pitt was anxious to relieve his profperous but bleeding country, from the burdens and hardships of a heavy, though fuccefsful war: lord Bute was folicitous to refcue his own unpopular and unftable adminiftration from the perils and dangers of distracted councils, difficult undertakings, and doubtful fupport. The great minifter, infenfible to intereft, but infeparable from integrity, with his patriot principles, feconded by abilities, and fuftained by reputation, fpread terror abroad, and diffufed affurance at home: confcious of the ftrength, and confident of the affiftance of his country; tender of its force, but tenacious of its rights; trufting to the juftice of the caufe, and encouraged by the experience of the vigour of England; had firmness to refift the infidious offers of an humbled enemy, and courage to defpife the infolent threats of a haughty court: founded upon these pillars, his refolution was bold, and his fpirit unfhaken, equally to engage a formidable league, as to contend with a fingle power; therefore he was not terrified to accept of inglorious or inadequate terms of peace; but, with magnanimous intrepidity, ftaked his favour with the people, and ventured his influence with the prince, in timely breaking off the negotiation with the French king, and advifing, NOT a precipitate rupture, BUT a categorical explanation with the Spaniard; and his name is illuftrated in the annals of fame, by the pitiful and perfonal refentment of those two crowns levelled at him, as the

minifter

minister of this kingdom, in whom they dreaded the bravery of the nation. The little minion attached to power, and accustomed to arrogance, the flave of ambition, and mancipated to tyranny, feeling his own incapacity, and preffed with his danger, without character and credit, deftitute of the abilities, and deprived of the counfels, of which he had rid himself, and robbed the throne; proud of royal captivity; favouritifm his foundation; corruption his refource; deaf to the cries, and dead to the love of the public; purfued with the difregard, and perfecuted with the derifion of the people; the contempt of the wife, and the fcorn of the witty; the prop of Jacobites, and the tool of Tories; a fcourge of Whigs; an oppreffor of liberty; intoxicated with the fway of a court, but mortified with the diffidence of the common-wealth; generally hated, and almost universally disliked; what would he, what could he do? Juft what he did. Unequal to the charge he had fondly undertaken; too weak for one war, and crushed with the weight of a duplicate; he must refign his poft, or refpite hoftilities. His determination was according to his delight: he loved power, and therefore begged peace. An indifferent one he knew he could foon, and without much conteft make; and he durft not venture a dispute or delay for a better; fo he wrote away the acquifitions of the war, and what might have been the fecurity of a peace; and with the blundering dash of a pen difhonoured the crown, difgraced himself, and difcontented the nation.

The principle of this conduct was very bad, but it was fenfible, and founded in experience. They are very ignorant who do not know the difference there is to a minifter between peace and war. It is of importance even in arbitrary governments, but of irresistible efficacy in this free country. Government fupports itself in time of peace, and minif U 2

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ters have less hard work to do, and no extraordinary demands to make, confequently they have lefs dependence upon the people. In time of war it is quite otherwife. There is not only exercise for the first rate abilies, but large fupplies muft be raised; and if the people are not fatisfied with the conduct of affairs, and have confidence in adminif tration, they will not give their money if their reprefentatives should vote credit for it, and the machine will come to a stand. This has, in former times, produced changes in the miniftry at critical seasons, and lord Bute faw his danger. To ward it off by concluding a peace was his fole ftudy; that the object of his whole fyftem. Power, corruption and art, fupplied the place of found politics; and nothing that could by any device be removed, was fuffered to obftruct the neceflary work of peace, if any way of putting an end to a war can be called by that comprehenfive name: neither the terms, the time, the manner, nor the means, were allowed to embarrass, if the end aimed at could in any way be attained.

In this, as in other instances, we have a strong proof how intimately the domestic and foreign affairs of a country are connected. The minifter that pursues a bad fyftem at home, will very naturally, and must often neceffarily adopt one that is erroneous abroad. As there is always an uniformity and confiftency in found politics, there muft be fome correfpondence in those that are bad. The minifter, for the fake of his own pursuits at home, departed from the fyftem in which England was engaged, and ought to have purfued, with respect to foreign powers. If reverfing the natural and approved fyftem of a country, throwing off its beft alliances, and wounding national faith and honour, is an offence, we know who may be charged with it. The circumstances of perfidy and deceit attend

ing the behaviour towards fome of our allies, as well as the end for which they were treated in the manner they were, conftitute matter of heavy imputation, more than fufficient, if there had been nothing worse, to render any minifter, acceffary to it, unworthy of that truft, and deferving of a much greater cenfure than being removed from his fovereign's prefence and councils for ever.

G

Confiderations on lord Bute's peace.

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Decipimur fpecie reƐti.

HOR.

Ratitude is far from being the most binding principle amongst men; and it has the leaft force with princes; as on the other hand, refentment is one of the most powerful motives of their conduct: yet good, as well as bad offices, done by one country to another, do fometimes in their turn meet with the recompence they deferve. It is therefore the maxim of found politics in every state, to oblige, rather than offend their neighbours and the store of favours conferred may juftly be efteemed part of the ftrength of a nation. But it must be tenere grate, compede vinctum. The boasting of favours always leffens their value; and few things are more irritating, in the commerce of communities, as well as of individuals, than affuming the merit of doing a kindness, when there is not any either received or intended. To colour over injuries with that fpecious name, is the most provoking indignity to human nature, and the highest affront to the princely ftate.

Foreign connections are an effential part of the fyftem of all countries, and it is of real importance to the public, efpecially in a government like this, where the fenfe of the people has fuch influence upon the conduct of administration, that mistaken notions

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