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My fifter Peg is in fact a very rampant baggage; but it is not her place to be uppermoft: there is no mounting of St. George, fo the must be content to knock under. The good humoured faint will always be inclined to give his neighbour St. Andrew a long lift behind him on his palfrey: but to think of getting into the faddle and feizing the reins, will require more tameness in the nag and his owner, than it is reasonable to expect. Every one must chufe to keep the power that belongs to him: and those who will practice extraordinary feats of jockeyfhip, may perchance break their necks, or be thrown fo deep into a bog, as to be never able to get out of it again,

JOHN BULL.

SECOND ANSWER.

THE whole tenor of John Bull's letters is pleading for an exclufive preference of one part of the island to the other. But all who are not blinded by prejudice will acknowledge, that there is but one kingdom in this island, that owes its wealth, power and grandeur to that happy circumftance, and that no perfon born in any part of it is excluded from the higheft offices, if his probity, rank, and abilities, entitle him to fuch preferment, By the mutual contract of union, the inhabitants of both countries are undoubtedly entitled to the fame common privileges; and I would afk John Bull if he can find it ftipulated in that treaty, that the inhabitants of one country fhould perpetually partes fecundas agere, when the profperity of the whole depends abfolutely and indifpenfibly upon the unity of the whole; I fay, a feparate confideration of parts detachedly is moft abfurd. If the nation be well ferved, what fignifies it to the public in what corner of the island any officer, either civil or military,

had

had his birth. If I were to divide a fhip into two parts, and afk John Bull which of the two was the beft for failing to the Eaft-Indies, he would doubtlefs reply, that neither of them could perform fuch a voyage apart, but that it required the unity of both; and if he would lay afide his weak partiality, he would plainly perceive, that the fame unity is neceffary for the well-being of the ftate.

What sport would it afford to the people of this ifland, if the Spaniards of Caftile and Arragon, inftead of attacking the Portuguese, fhould fall to leaving each other about national preferences? And would we not think them mad, and in the highway to deftruction, if fuch factious, writings as are published every week in London, were brought to us from Madrid. If we would but coolly reflect what a figure we must at prefent make to foreigners, how our enemies will be triumphing, how imprudent our diffentions must appear to our colonists, and how all Europe will be laughing at our abfurdities, we would certainly be afhamed of our animofities and

contentions.

Wanstead.

SECOND REPLY.

THAT the Wanftead gentleman may no longer mistake my meaning, I will now speak very plainly. Scotland does not contribute a fortieth part towards the fupport of government and war: juftice therefore requires, that fhe fhould have but a proportionate fhare of ftate employments and emoluments: is this reasonable, or is it not? yet perhaps Scotfinen have long enjoyed near twenty times their due, and the English have not much repined at it. But as there is now a power lodged in Scotch hands for difpofing of all revenue. offices, the English, fenfible of Scotch partiality

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from long experience, do entertain an opinion, that the fleeces of their rich pastures are doomed to the ravage of the hungry and naked wolves of the barren mountains of the north, because they know that no North Briton dares restrain their greediness for rapine, without being considered as an alien, or an apoftate, and purfued by them as an enemy.

Why therefore fhould a man accept of a station that must create enmity to him in one party or the other, and likewife that muft caufe divifions? By doing fo, he is furely the author of them; and his partizans ought not to complain of clamours, fince his quitting that ftation will at once put an end to them. Public union is then a matter entirely in his own hands: he only has been the deftroyer of it, and he ought to be its reftorer. If he thinks agreement will be of advantage to the kingdom, let him make the only facrifice that can most effectually promote it. This will be manifefting the ftrongest affection in his power, both to his fovereign and his country. One man's ambition furely ought to appear more conquerable than a whole nation's opinions, or even prejudices, which have been rooted in experience, and which they are not foon like to part with; at least 'till they fee a good caufe for giving them up.

What has England got by the union, but the mere means of living quiet? Which the purchased with the repartition of her whole commerce and colony-proprietorfhip. If Scotland receives more by government employments than fhe contributes towards its fupport, of courfe England protects her in all induftrious purfuits, and has given her a fcope that will be endless for profecuting them to advantage. What would he have more? Let her speak out and fay Why all vernment employments in England, as well as in Scotland: we want the English to labour,

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and ourselves to be their task-mafters and plunderers, the clear fingle motive of our pleas for indifcriminacy, which we claim in the fouth, but deny in the north.'

It is not the fault, but misfortune, of Englishmen, that Scotland is a poor and barren country, like Wales. But while Wales fends us up chairmen and footmen, and husbandmen to work in common with us, and on a cordial and equal foot ing; what right has Scotland to fend us up whole fhoals of pretended gentlemen, who did not wear fhoes in their own country, to live in affluence and idleness upon our labours and eftates? For it is the produce of them which conftitutes the whole government revenue, and therefore the emoluments and employments of it should be kept facred to the people who contribute to its produce. Let but the Scotch mingle among us as they ought, and keep up no feparate intereft, and then we fhould be as little jealous of them as we are of any others of our fellow fubjects, but while they hang together, and are partial, they provoke us to do the fame.

JOHN BULL.

General objections to the Earl of Bute's elevation.

HE real matter of contention appears to be,

TH

whether the chief power of administration ought to be in the hands of the Scotch, or the English? For to fay that the union is fo compleat as to have established an union of opinions and purfuits, would be afferting the thing that is not. The Scotch, as the fmaller number, do hang together; and prevent thereby fuch an union; and as their motive for doing fo is that of individual interest, which they strenuously promote by national union, that union creates a jealoufy which caufes a coun→ ter one for oppofing them; for it cannot be ex

pected,

pected, but all bodies of people, as well as individuals, will be felf interested: and therefore union, on this principle, established on one fide, will create it on the other.

The union of the two kingdoms was at beft greatly defective; because Scotland has a different established religion to England, and had, 'till within these very few years paft, a different civil conftitution likewife. There heritable jurifdictions excluded the effential democratic part of ours, and were infufers of principles of government incompatible with English ones. Time may abolish thofe principles; but they are not abolished yet: and 'till they are quite abolished, conftitutional power here in Scotch hands, will, with some strong colour of found reason, be always dreaded by the English. Their excellent conftitution is their greatest glory and happinefs, and in both cafes must be allowed to be the greateft that were ever enjoyed by any people upon earth. This is an interefting confideration, which will force its own weight and as experience has convinced them, that, from the nature of their own old constitution, when invested with power, Scotchmen are apt to be overbearing as well as partial, it cannot be expected that Englishmen will not think their rights and interefts at home will be always fafeft in English hands; and while they have reafon to think fo, they will not be fatisfied without it.

Nor can they deserve accufation on this head: nor ought their moderation to be arraigned, while they interfere not with the laws, the religion, the government or offices of Scotland, nor ever repine at the military or marine employments, or even civil ones on the English establishment, given to Scots, if the exercise of them cannot endanger the conftitution. They glory in the moderation of their government and laws: and abhorrence of those rigours

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