of March, a substantial copy of the statement I had made in the 15th. The 30th of March arrived, and at that time a telegram tame from Governor Pickens inquiring concerning Colonel Lamon, whose visit to Charleston he supposed had a connection with the proposed evacuation of Fort Sumter. I left that with you, and was to have an answer the following Monday, (1st of April.) On the 1st of April I received from you the statement in writing: "I am satisfied the Government will not undertake to supply Fort Sumter without giving notice to Governor P." The words "I am satisfied were for me to use as expressive of confidence in the remainder of the declaration. The proposition as originally prepared was, "The President may desire to supply Sumter, but will not do so," &c., and your verbal explanation was that you did not believe any such attempt would be made, and that there was no design to reinforce Sumter. There was a departure here from the pledges of the previous month, but, with the verbal explanation, I did not consider it a matter then to complain of. I simply stated to you that I had that assurance previously. On the 7th of April I addressed you a letter on the subject of the alarm that the preparations by the Government had created, and asked you if the assurances I had given were well or ill-founded. In respect to Sumter your reply was, "Faith as to Sumter, fully kept-wait and see." In the morning's paper I read, "An authorized messenger from President Lincoln informed Governor Pickens and General Beauregard that provisions will be sent to Fort Sumter peaceably, or otherwise by force." This was the 8th of April, at Charleston, the day following your last assurance, and is the evidence of the full faith I was invited to wait for and see. In the same paper, I read that intercepted dispatches disclosed the fact that Mr. Fox, who had been allowed to visit Major Anderson, on the pledge that his purpose was pacific, employed his opportunity to devise a plan for supplying the fort by force, and that this plan had been adopted by the Washington Government, and was in process of execution. My recollection of the date of Mr. Fox's visit carries it to a day in March. I learn he is a near connexion of a member of the Cabinet. My connection with the Commissioners and yourself was superinduced by a conversation with Justice Nelson. He informed me of your strong disposition in favor of peace, and that you were oppressed with a demand of the Commissioners of the Confederate States for a reply to their first letter, and that you desired to avoid it if possible at that time." Judge Campbell to the Secretary of State. WASHINGTON, April 20, 1861. SIR: I inclose you a letter, corresponding very nearly with one I addressed to you one week ago, (13th April,) to which I have not had any reply. The letter is simply one of i.quiry in reference to facts concerning which, I think, I am entitled to an explanation. I have not adopted any opinion in reference to them which may not be modified by explanation; nor have I affirmed in that letter, nor do I in this, any conclusion of my own unfavorable to your integrity in the whole transaction. All that I have said and mean to say is, that an explanation is due from you to myself. I will not say what I shall do in case this request is not complied with, but I am justined in saying that I shall feel at liberty to place these letters before any person who is entitled to ask an explanation of myself. Very respectiully. JOHN A. CAMPBELL, Hon. WM. I SEWARD, Secretary of State. Associate Justice of the Supreme Court U. S April 24, 1861.-No reply has been made to this letter. Judge Campbell to General Davis. MONTGOMERY, (ALA.,) May 7, 1861. SIR: I submit to you two letters that were addressed by me to the Hon. W. H. Seward, Secretary of State of the United States, that contain an explanation of the nature and result of an intervention by me in the intercourse of the Commissioners of the Confederate States with that officer. I considered that I could perform no duty in which the entire American people, whether of the Federal Union I told him I might perhaps be of some service in arrang-or of the Confederate States, were more interested than Ing the difficulty. I came to your office entirely at his re- that of promoting the counsels and the policy that had for quest and without knowledge of either of the Commis- their object the preservation of peace. This motive dicsioners. Your depression was obvious to both Judge Nelson tated my intervention. Besides the interview referred to and myself. I was gratified at the character of the coun- in these letters, I informed the Assistant Secretary of State sels you were desirous of pursuing, and much impressed of the United States, (not being able to see the Secretary,) with your observation that a civil war might be prevented on the 11th of April ultimo, of the existence of a telegram by the success of my mediation. You read a letter of Mr. of that date from Gen. Beauregard to the Commissioners, Weed to show how irksome and responsible the withdrawal in which he informed the Commissioners that he had of troops from Sumter was. A portion of my communica- demanded the evacuation of Sumter, and if refused he tion to Judge Crawford on the 15th March was founded would proceed to reduce it. On the same day I had been upon these remarks, and the pledge to evacuate Sumter is told that President Lincoln had said that none of the vesleas forcible than the words you employed. These words sels sent to Charleston were war vessels, and that force was were: Before this letter reaches you (a proposed letter not to be used in the attempt to supply the fort. I had no by me to President Davis) Sumter will have been evacu- means of testing the accuracy of this information, but offered that, if the information was accurate, I would send a telegram to the authorities at Charleston, and it might prevent the disastrous consequences of a collision at that fort between the opposing forces. It was the last effort that I would make to avert the calamities of war. The Assistant Secretary promised to give the matter attention, but I had no other intercourse with him or any other person on the subject, nor have I had any reply to the letters submitted to you. JOHN A. CAMPBELL. Gen. DAVIS, President of the Confederate States. Albany Evening Journal of May 30, 1861, we In an article of Mr. THURLOW WEED, in the find the following statements respecting Judge Campbell's publication : sted. The Commissioners who received those communications conclude they have been abused and overreached. The Montgomery Government hold the same opinion. The Commissioners have supposed that my communications were with you, and upon the hypothesis were prepared to arraign you before the country in connection with the President. I placed a peremptory prohibition upon this as being contrary to the term of my communications with them. I pledged myself to them to communicate information upon what I considered as the best authority, and they were to confide in the ability of myself, aided by Judge Nelson, to determine upon the credibility of my in formant. I think no candid man who will read over what I have written, and considers for a moment what is going on at Sumter, but will agree that the equivocating conduct of the Administration, as measured and interpreted in connection with these promises, is the proximate cause of the great calamity. Very respectfully, "If the Secretary of State were at liberty to reply to exJudge Campbell, revealing all that passed between them on several occasions, not only no imputation of insincerity would rest upon the Secretary, but the facts would seriously affect Judge Campbell's well established reputation for candor and frankness. The revelations would furnish no evidence of either the falsehood or the duplicity of Governor Seward, for there was nothing of either in his conversations "We violate no confidence in saying that Judge Campponderance, up to a late day, being in favor of the Union. See President Lincoln's First Message to Congress, July I have a profound conviction that the telegrams of the 8th of April of General Beauregard, and of the 10th of April of General Walker, the Secretary of War, can be referred to nothing else than their belief that there has been systematic duplicity practiced on them through me. It is under an oppressive sense of the weight of this responsibility that I submit to you these things for your ex-bell balanced long between loyalty and secession, the preplanation. Very respectfully, 4, 1861. "If he at any time looked with favor or satisfaction upon secession, he was much and generally misunderstood. If he did not seriously contemplate remaining in the Union and upon the Bench, he was misunderstood. "If during that period of mental trial, he was acting in harmony with the leading enemies of the Union, he was grossly misunderstood. "That Gov. Seward conversed freely with Judge Campbell, we do not deny, nor do we doubt, that in these conversations, at one period, he intimated that Fort Sumter would be evacuated. "He certainly believed so, founding his opinion upon a knowledge of Gen. Scott's recommendation. "Subsequently, the President deemed it his duty to authorize an effort to reinforce and provision that fortress. We do not know whether Gov. Seward met Judge Campbell after that change of purpose; but he was not at liberty, if they did meet, to reveal what was so well kept. "But, whatever Gov. Seward said or intimated to Judge Campbell was true at the time it was said. "That Judge Campbell reported to the Confederate President half that he said or intimated, is more than doubtful." PRESIDENT LINCOLN'S ANSWER TO THE DELEGATES FROM VIRGINIA. April 13, 1861. The PRESIDENT had an interview with Wm. Ballard Preston, Alexander H. H. Stuart, and George W. Randolph, who were appointed by the Convention of Virginia then in session, under a resolution recited in the President's reply, which was as follows: Hon. Messrs. Preston, Stuart, and Randolph: GENTLEMEN: As a committee of the Virginia Convention, now in session, you present me a preamble and resolution in these words: "Whereas, in the opinion of this Convention, the uncertainty which prevails in the public mind as to the policy which the Federal Executive intends to pursue toward the seceded States is extremely injurious to the industrial and commercial interests of the country, tends to keep up an excitement which is unfavorable to the adjustment of pending difficulties, and threatens a disturbance of the public peace: Therefore, "Resolved, That a committee of three delegates be appointed to wait on the President of the United States, present to him this preamble and resolution, and respectfully ask him to communicate to this Convention the policy which the Federal Executive intends to pursue in regard to the Confederate States." In answer I have to say, that, having at the beginning of my official term expressed my intended policy as plainly as I was able, it is with deep regret and some mortification I now learn that there is great and injurious uncertainty in the public mind as to what that policy is, and what course I intend to pursue. Not having as yet seen occasion to change, it is now my purpose to pursue the course marked out in the inaugural address. I commend a careful consideration of the whole document as the best expression I can give of my purposes. As I then and therein said, I now repeat: "The power confided to me will be used to hold, occupy, and possess the property and places belonging to the Government, and to collect the duties and imposts; but beyond what is necessary for these objects there will be no invasion, no using of force against or among the people anywhere." By the words "property and places belonging to the Government" I chiefly allude to the military posts and property which were in the possession of the Government when it came to my hands. But if, as now appears to be true, in pursuit of a purpose to drive the United States authority from these places, an unprovoked assault has been made upon Fort Sumter, I shall hold myself at liberty to repossess, if I can, like places which had been seized before the Government was devolved upon me. And, in any event, I shall, to the best of my ability, repel force by force. In case it proves true that Fort Sumter has been assaulted, as is reported, I shall perhaps cause the United States mails to be withdrawn from all the States which claim to have seceded, believing that the commencement of actual war against the Government justifies and possibly demands it. I scarcely need to say that I consider the military posts and property situated within the States which claim to have seceded as yet belonging to the Government of the United States as much as they did before the supposed secession. Whatever else I may do for the purpose, I shall not attempt to collect the duties and imposts by any armed invasion of any part of the country-not meaning by this, how ever, that I may not land a force deemed necessary to relieve a fort upon the border of the country. From the fact that I have quoted a part of the inaugural address, it must not be inferred that I repudiate any other part, the whole of which I reaffirm, except so far as what I now say of the mails may be regarded as a modification. WHY AND HOW WAR WAS MADE UPON THE UNITED STATES. In January, the rebel leaders then in Washington prevented an attack upon the forts in Charleston harbor and at Pensacola. War not breaking out, the conspiracy weakened, and, as expressed by the Mobile Mercury in discussing the position of affairs in those harbors: "The country is sinking into a fatal apathy, and the spirit and even the patriotism of the people is oozing out under this do-nothing policy. If something is not done pretty soon, decisive, either evacuation or expulsion, the whole Country will become so disgusted with the sham of southern independence that the first chance the people get at a popu lar election they will turn the whole movement topsy-turvy so bad that it never on earth can be righted again." On Wednesday, April 10, 1861, Roger A. Pryor, of Virginia, was serenaded in Charleston, and spoke as follows, as reported in the Mercury: "Gentlemen, I thank you, especially that you have at last annihilated this accursed Union, [applause,] reeking with corruption, and insolent with excess of tyranny. Thank God, it is at last blasted and riven by the lightning wrath of an outraged and indignant people. [Loud ap plause.] Not only is it gone, but gone forever. [Cries of You're right,' and applause.] In the expressive language of Scripture, it is water spilt upon the ground, which cannot be gathered up. [Applause.] Like Lucifer, son of the morning, it has fallen, never to rise again. [Continued ap plause.] For my part, gentlemen, if Abraham Lincoln and Hannibal Hamlin to-morrow were to abdicate their offices and were to give me a blank sheet of paper to write the condi tion of reannexation to the defunct Union, I would scornfully spurn the overture. * I invoke you, and I make it in some sort a personal appeal-personal so far as it tends to our assistance in Virginia-I do invoke you, in your demonstrations of popular opinion, in your exhibitions of official intent, to give no countenance to this idea of reconstruction. [Many voices, emphatically, ‘Never,' and applause.] In Virginia they all say, if reduced to the dread dilemma of this memorable alternative, they will es pouse the cause of the South as against the interest of the Northern Confederacy, but they whisper of reconstruction, and they say Virginia must abide in the Union, with the idea of reconstructing the Union which you have annihila ted. I pray you, gentlemen, rob them of that idea. Proclaim to the world that upon no condition, and under no circumstance, will South Carolina ever again enter into political association with the Abolitionists of New England. [Cries of 'Never,' and applause.] "Do not distrust Virginia. As sure as to-morrow's sun will rise upon us, just so sure will Virginia be a member of this Southern Confederation. [Applause.] And I will tell you, gentlemen, what will put her in the Southern Confedera tion in less than an hour by Shrewsbury clock-STRIKE A BLOW! [Tremendous applause.] The very moment that blood is shed, old Virginia will make common cause with her sisters of the South. [Applause.] It is impossible she should do otherwise." Hon. JEREMIAH CLEMENS, formerly United States Senator from Alabama, and a member of the Alabama Seceding Convention who resisted the movement until adopted by the body, at an adjourned Reconstruction meeting held at Huntsville, Ala., March 13, 1864, made this significant statement: Mr. Clemens, in adjourning the meeting, said he would tell the Alabamians how their State was got out of the Union. "In 1861," said Mr. C., "shortly after the Confederate Government was put in operation, I was in the city of Montgomery. One day I stepped into the office of the Secretary of War, General Walker, and found there, engaged in a very excited discussion, Mr. Jefferson Davis, Mr. Memminger, Mr. Benjamin, Mr. Gilchrist, a member of our Legislature from Loundes county, and a number of other prominent gentlemen. They were discussing the propriety of immediately opening fire on Fort Sumter, to which General Walker, the Secretary of War, appeared to be op posed. Mr. Gilchrist said to him, 'Sir, unless you sprinkle blood in the face of the people of Alabama they will be back in the old Union in less than ten days! The next day General Beauregard opened his batterics on Sumter, and Alabama was saved to the Confederacy." CORRESPONDENCE PRECEDING BOMBARDMENT. CHARLESTON, April 8, 1861. To Hon. L. P. WALKER, Secretary of War, Montgomery: An authorized messenger from President Lincoln has Just informed Gov. Pickens and myself that provisions will be sent to Fort Sumter peaceably, or otherwise by force. G. T. BEAUREGARD. States to demand the evacuation of Fort Sumter. My aids, Col. Chesnut and Capt. Lee, are authorized to make such demand of you. All proper facilities will be afforded for the removal of yourself and command-together with company arms and property, and all private property-to any post in the United States which you may elect. The flag which you have upheld so long, and with so much fortitude, under the most trying circumstances, may be saluted by you on taking it down. await your answer. I am, sir, very respectfully, your obedient servant, HEADQUARTERS FORT SUMTER, S. C., If you have no doubt of the authorized character of the agent who communicated to you the intention of the To Brig. Gen. G. T. BEAUREGARD, Washington Government to supply Fort Sumter by force, you will at once demand its evacuation, and, if this is refused, proceed in such manner as you may determine to reduce it. L. P. WALKER. CHARLESTON, April 10, 1861. The demand will be made to-morrow at 12 o'clock. To Hon. L. P. WALKER: G. T. BEAUREGARD, Brigadier General. MONTGOMERY, April 10, 1861. To Gen. BEAUREGARD, Charleston: Unless there are special reasons connected with your own condition, it is considered proper that you should make the demand at an earlier hour. L. P. WALKER. CHARLESTON, April 10, 1861. To Hon. L. P. WALKER: G. T. BEAUREGARD. To Hou. L. P. WALKER: CHARLESTON, April 11, 1861. The demand was sent at 2 p. m., and until 6 was allowed G. T. BEAUREGARD. MONTGOMERY, April 11, 1861. Gen. BEAUREGARD, Charleston: Telegraph the reply of Major Anderson. for the answer. To Hon. L. P. WALKER: L. P. WALKER. CHARLESTON, April 11, 1861. Major Anderson replies: "I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your communication demanding the evacuation of this fort, and to say in reply thereto that it is a demand with which I regret that my sense of honor and of my obligation to my Government prevent my compliance." He adds, verbally, "I will await the first shot, and, if you do not batter us to pieces, we will be starved out in a few days." G. T. BEAUREGARD. MONTGOMERY, April 11, 1861. To General BEAUREGARD: Do not desire needlessly to bombard Fort Sumter. If Major Anderson will state the time at which, as indicated by himself, he will evacuate, and agree that, in the mean time, he will not use his guns against us unless ours should be employed against Fort Sumter, you are authorized thus to avoid the effusion of blood. If this or its equivalent be refused, reduce the fort, as your judgment decides to be the most practicable. L. P. WALKER. HEADQUARTERS PROVISIONAL ARMY C. S. A., CHARLESTON, (S. C.) April 11, 1861, 2 p. m. Maj. ROBERT ANDERSON, Commanding at Fort Sumter, Charleston Harbor, S. C.: S: The Government of the Confederate States has hitherto forborne from any hostile demonstration against Fort Sumter, in the hope that the Government of the United States, with a view to the amicable adjustment of all questions between the two Governments, and to avert the calamities of war, would voluntarily evacuate it. There was reason at one time to believe that such would be the course pursued by the Government of the United States, and, under that impression, my Government has refrained from making any demand for the surrender of the fort. But the Confederate States can no longer delay assuming actual possession of a fortification commanding the entrance of one of their harbors, and necessary to its defence and security. I am ordered by the Government of the Confederate *See his first message, July 4, 1861, page 124. 8 April 11, 1861. Commanding Provisional Army C. S. A.: GENERAL: I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your communication demanding the evacuation of this fort, and to say in reply thereto that it is a demand with which I regret that my sense of honor and my obligation to my Government prevent my compliance. Thanking you for the fair, manly, and courteous terms proposed, and for the high compliment paid me, I remain, General, very respectfully, your obedient servant, ROBERT ANDERSON, Major U. S. Army, Commanding. HEADQUARTERS PROV'L ARMY C. S. A., CHARLESTON, S. C.) April 11, 1861, 11 P. M. Major ROBERT ANDERSON, Commanding at Fort Sumter, Charleston Harbor, S. C.: MAJOR: In consequence of the verbal observations made by you to my aids, Messrs. Chesnut and Lee, in relation to the condition of your supplies, and that you would in a few days be starved out if our guns did not batter you to pieces, or words to that effect, and desiring no useless effu. sion of blood, I communicated both the verbal observation and your written answer to my communication to my Government. If you will state the time at which you will evacuate Fort Sumter, and agree that in the mean time you will not use your guns against us unless ours shall be employed against Fort Sumter, we shall abstain from opening fire upon you. Col. Chesnut and Capt. Lee are authorized by me to enter into such an agreement with you. You are, therefore, requested to communicate to them an open answer. I remain, Major, very respectfully, your obedient servant, To Brig. Gen. G. T. BEAUREGARD, Commanding Provisional Army C. S. A.: GENERAL: I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your second communication of the 11th instant, by Col. Chesnut, and to state in reply, that, cordially uniting with you in the desire to avoid the useless effusion of blood, I will, if prov ded with the necessary means of transporta tion, evacuate Fort Sumter by noon on the 15th instant, should I not receive prior to that time, controlling instructions from my Government, or additional supplies, and that I will not in the mean time open my fire upon your forces, unless compelled to do so by some hostile act against this fort or the flag of my Government, by the forces under your command, or by some portion of them, cr by the perpetration of some act showing a hostile intention on your part against this fort or the flag it bears. I have the honor to be, General, very respectfully, your obedient servant, ROBERT ANDERSON, Major U. S. A. Commanding. FORT SUMTER, S. C., MAJOR ROBERT ANDERSON, United States Army, SIR: By authority of Brigadier General Beauregard, Commanding the Provisional Forces of the Confederate States, we have the honor to notify you that he will open the fire of his batteries on Fort Sumter in one hour from this time. We have the honor to be, very respectfully, your obedient servants, JAMES CHESNUT, Jr., Aid-de-Camp. STEPHEN D. LEE, Captain S. C. Army and Aid-de-Camp. To Hon. L. P. WALKER: He would not consent. CHARLESTON, April 12, 1861. I write to-day. G. T. BEAUREGARD. CHARLESTON, April 12, 1861. G. T. BEAUREGARD. To Hon. L. P. WALKER: We opened fire at 4.30. NOTE.-Intercepted despatches disclose the fact that Mr. Fox, who had been allowed to visit Major Anderson on the pledge that his purpose was pacific, employed his opportunity to devise a plan for supplying the fort by force, and that this plan had been adopted by the Washington ernment, and was in process of execution. several States of the Union to the aggregate number of 75,000, in order to suppress said combinations, and to cause the laws to be duly executed. "The details for this object will be immediately com municated to the State authorities through the War Depart ment. I appeal to all loyal citizens to favor, facilitate, and aid this effort to maintain the honor, the integrity, and existenco of our national Union, and the perpetuity of popular government, and to redress wrongs already long enough endured. I deem it proper to say that the first service a signed to the forces hereby called forth, will probably be to repossess the forts, places, and property which have been Gov-seized from the Union; and in every event the utmost care will be observed, consistently with the objects aforesaid, to avoid any devastation, any destruction.of, or interference any part of the country; and I hereby command the perwith property, or any disturbance of peaceful citizens of sons composing the combinations aforesaid, to disperse and retire peaceably to their respective abodes, within twenty days from this date. REPORT OF MAJOR ANDERSON TO THE SECRETARY OF WAR. STEAMSHIP BALTIC, OFF SANDY HOOK, April 18, 1861, 10.30 A. M., via New York. Having defended Fort Sumter for thirty-four hours, until the quarters were entirely burnt, the main gates destroyed "Deeming that the present condition of public affair preby fire, the gorge walls seriously injured, the magazine sents an extraordinary occasion, I do hereby, in virtue of surrounded by flames, and its door closed from the effects the power in me vested by the Constitution, convene both of heat; four barrels and three cartridges of powder only Houses of Congress. The Senators and Representatives are, being available, and no provisions remaining but pork, I therefore, summoned to assemble at their respective chamaccepted terms of evacuation offered by General Beaure-bers at twelve o'clock, noon, on Thursday, the 4th day of gard-being the same offered by him on the 11th instant, July next, then and there to consider and determine such prior to the commencement of hostilities-and marched out measures as, in their wisdom, the public safety and interest of the Fort on Sunday afternoon, the 14th instant, with may seem to demand. colors flying and drums beating, bringing away company and private property, and saluting my flag with fifty guns. ROBERT ANDERSON, Hon. SIMON CAMERON, Major 1st Artillery, commanding. Secretary of War, Washington. After the surrender, and while the tidings were received throughout the South with joy, Davis and his associates were serenaded, salvos of artillery were fired, and the whole population seemed to be in an exstacy of triumph. The rebel Secretary of War, L. Pope Walker, defiantly said: "No man can foretell the events of the war inaugurated; but I will venture to predict that the flag which now floats on the breeze" (that was his miserable secession flag) "will, before the first of May, float over the dome of the old Capitol at Washington, and if they choose to try Southern chivalry, and test the extent of Southern resources, will eventually float over Faneuil Hall, in Boston. The idea spread throughout the South, and such paragraphs as these abounded: [From the Richmond Enquirer, April 13, 1861.] "ATTENTION, VOLUNTEERS!-Nothing is more probable than that President Davis will soon march an army through North Carolina and Virginia to Washington. Those of our volunteers who decide to join the Southern Army as it shall pass through our borders, had better organize at once for that purpose, and keep their arms, accoutrements, uniforms, ammunition, and knapsacks in constant readiness." [From the New Orleans Picayune, April 18.] "The first fruits of a Virginia secession will be the removal of Lincoln and his cabinet, and whatever he can carry away, to the safer neighborhood of Harrisburg or Cincinnati-perhaps to Buffalo or Cleveland." [From the Richmond Examiner, April 28.] "There never was half the unanimity among the people before, nor a tithe of the zeal upon any subject, that is now manifested to take Washington. From the mountain tops and valleys to the shores of the sea, there is one wild shout of fierce resolve to capture Washington city at all and every human hazard." THE WAR POWER CALLED OUT." April 15, 1861. The PRESIDENT issued his proclamation for seventy-five thousand troops, as follows: "In witness whereof I have hereunto set my hand, and caused the seal of the United States to be affixed. "Done at the city of Washington, this fifteenth day of April in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-one, and of the independence of the United States the eighty-fifth. “ABRAHAM LINCOLN. "By the President: "WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Secretary of State." The Governors of all the northern States responded with alacrity. Governor BURTON, of Delaware, issued a proclamation, April 26, recommending the formation of volunteer companies for the protection of the lives and property of the people of Delaware against violence of any sort to which they may be exposed, the companies not being subject to be ordered by the Executive into the United States service, the law not vesting him with such authority, but having the option of offering their services to the General Government for the defence of its capital and the support of the Constitution and laws of the country. Governor Hicks, of Maryland, May 14, issued a proclamation for the troops, stating that the four regiments would be detailed to serve within the limits of Maryland or for the defence of the capital of the United States. Governor LETCHER, of Virginia, replied that "The militia of Virginia will not be furnished to the powers at Washington for any such use or purpose as they have in view. Your object is to subjugate the southern States, and a requisition made upon me for such an object -an object, in my judgment, not within the purview of the You have chosen to inaugurato civil war, and having done Constitution or the act of 1795-will not be complied with. istration has exhibited toward the South." so we will meet it in a spirit as determined as the Admin Governor ELLIS, of North Carolina, replied April 15: "Your dispatch is received, and, if genuine-which ita extraordinary character leads me to doubt-I have to say in reply that I regard the levy of troops made by the Administration, for the purpose of subjugating the States of the South, as in violation of the Constitution and a usurpation of power. I can be no party to this wicked violation of the laws of the country, and to this war upon the liberties of a free people. You can get no troops from North Carolina. I will reply more in detail when your call is reGovernor MAGOFFIN, of Kentucky, replied, April 15: "Whereas the laws of the United States have been for some time past, and now are opposed, and the execution thereof obstructed, in the States of South Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, Florida, Mississippi, Louisiana, and Texas, by com-ceived by mail." binations too powerful to be suppressed by the ordinary course of judicial proceedings, or by the powers vested in the marshals by law; now, therefore, I, ABRAHAM LINCOLN, President of the United States, in virtue of the power in me vested by the Constitution and the laws, have thought fit to call forth, and hereby do call forth, the militia of the "Your dispatch is received. In answer I say emphatic ally, Kentucky will furnish no troops for the wicked pur pose of subduing her sister Southern States." 18: Governor HARRIS, of Tennessee, replied, April January 5, 1864, a draft shall be made on that insult to injury." May 3, 1861-The President called for thirtynine volunteer regiments of infantry and oue regiment of cavalry, with a micimum aggregate of 34,506 officers and enlisted men, and a maximum of 42,034; and for the enlistment of 18,000 seamen. May 3, 1861-The President directed an increase of the regular army by eight regiments of infantry, one of cavalry, and one of artillery-minimum aggregate, 18,054; maximum, 22,714. August 6-Congress legalized this increase, and all the acts, orders, and proclamations respecting the Army and Navy. July 22 and 25, 1861-Congress authorized the enlistment of 500,000 volunteers. September 17, 1861-Commanding officer at Hatteras Inlet, N. C., authorized to enlist a regiment of loyal North Carolinians. November 7, 1861-The Governor of Missouri was authorized to raise a force of State militia for State defence. December 3, 1861-The Secretary of War directed that no more regiments, batteries, or independent companies be raised by the Governors of States, except upon the special requisition of the War Department. July 2, 1862-The President called for three hundred thousand volunteers. Under the act of July 17, 1862, August 4, 1862-The President ordered a draft of three hundred thousand militia, for nine months unless sooner discharged; and directed that if any State shall not, by the 15th of August, furnish its quota of the additional 300,000 authorized by law, the deficiency of Volunteers in that State will also be made up by special draft from the militia. Wednesday, September 3, was subsequently fixed for the draft. May 8, 1863-Proclamation issued, defining the relations of aliens to the conscription act, holding all aliens who have declared on oath their intention to become citizens and may be in the country within sixty-five days from date, and all who have declared their intention to become citizens and have voted. June 15, 1863-One hundred thousand men, for six months, called to repel the invasion, of Maryland, West Virginia, Ohio, and Pennsylvania. October 17, 1863-A proclamation was issued for 300,000 volunteers, to serve for three years or the war, not, however, exceeding three years, to fill the places of those whose terms expire "during the coming year," these being in addition to the men raised by the present draft. In States in defauit under this call, day. February 1, 1864-Draft for 500,000 men for three years or during the war, ordered for March 10, 1864. March 14, 1864-Draft for 200,000 additional for the army, navy and marine corps, ordered for April 15, 1864, to supply the force required for the navy and to provide an adequate reserve force for all contingencies. accepted, tendered by the Governors of Ohio, April 23, 1864-85,000 one hundred day men Indiana, Illinois, Iowa, and Wisconsin; 30,000, 20,000, 20,000, 10,000, and 5,000 being tendered respectively. see page 270.) Our Military Legislation. 1861, July 22-The President was authorized to accept the services of volunteers, not exceeding five hundred thousand, for a period not exceeding three years. July 27, this authority was duplicated. 1861, July 27-Nine regiments of infantry, one of cavalry, and one of artillery, added to the regular army. August 5-Passed bill approving and legalizing the orders of the President respecting the army and navy, issued from 4th of March to that date. 1862, July 17-Authorized the President, when calling forth the militia of the States, to specify the period of such service, not exceeding nine months; and if by reason of defects in existing laws or in the execution of them, it shall be found necessary to provide for enroling the militia, the President was authorized to make all necessary regulations, the enrolment to include all able bodied male citizens between eighteen and forty-five, and to be apportioned according to representative population. He was authorized, in addition to the volunteers now authorized, to accept 100,000 infantry, for nine months; also, for twelve months, to fill up old regiments, as many as may be presented for the purpose. 1863, February 7-Authorized the Governor of Kentucky, by the consent and under the direction of the President, to raise twenty thousand volunteers, for twelve months, for service within the limits of the State, for repelling invasion, suppressing insurrection, and guarding and protecting the public property— two regiments to be mounted riflemen. With the consent of the President, these troops may be attached to, and become a part of, the body of three years' volunteers. 1863, March 3-The enrollment act passed. It included as part of the national forces, all able bodied male citizens of the United States, and persons of foreign birth who shall have declared on cath their intention to become citizens under and in pursuance of the laws thereof, between the ages of twenty-one and forty-five years, except such as are rejected as physically or mentally unfit for the service; also, the Vice President, the judges of the various courts of the United States, the heads of the various executive departments of the Government, and the Governors of the several States; also, the only son liable to military service, of a widow dependent upon his labor |