resolutions, after much discussion, were indefinitely postponed.

March 9-In the House of Delegates, the following debate occurred on the proposition for a State Convention :

thereof, and the friends and supporters of his administration, have declared that negotiations for peace cannot be entertained except on a basis of restoration of the Union in its territorial integrity and the abolition of slavery, and that the existing war must be prosecuted until the men of these Confederate States are compelled to submit to these terms or are subjugated, and, if necessary to secure this end, exterminated, their lands confiscated, and their women and children driven forth as wanderers on the face of the

On motion to suspend the rules for the reconsideration of the vote by which the bill conferring conventional power upon the General Assembly was lost, Mr. HUNTER, of Berke-earth: ley, obtained the floor in opposition to the proposition to reconsider the vote.

The discussion already had upon the subject had had, he thought, dangerous and pernicions effects. He hoped the vote would not be reconsidere 1; that the bill would be left to sleep the sleep of death. Mr. BUFORD, of Pittsylvania, hoped the House would arraign itself upon the question fair and square without prejudice; he thought no harm could come of a Convention. The time might come when legislators would not find themselves behind the people in this matter. He was willing to trust the people and the people should be willing to trust their legislators. Mr. SHEFFEY, (Speaker,) with Mr. Kelley in the Chair, spoke in opposition to the motion to reconsider the vote by which the bill to clothe the Constitutional Assembly with constitutional powers was lost. If two evils were proposed, he would choose the least-the straight-out Convention. He did not understand that there was to be any difference in powers to be conferred upon either body. True, the legislature could not touch the bill of rights nor unite the powers of legislature, executive and judicial. If anything was contemplated by a convention, it was looking to the severance of Virginia's connection with the Confederacy and opening of new and separate negotiations with the treatymaking power of the North. Once open this flood-gate and you will let loose a current that will sweep with desolation the last hope of freedom from this continent. Had we not rather bear those ills we have than fly to others that we know not of? How long will it be after this convention is called before a cry will go forth and reconstruction or no reconstruc.ion become the watchword of these dangerous times? No harm to trust the people, as gentlemen say, but it is a terrible harm for Virginia to lead off in the expression of distrust for the general government. People will say, if the army will say it, that Virginia is preparing to cast loose from the body of her Confederate Union. Our enemy will say that Virginia is preparing to leave the sinking ship and to take to her jolly-boat. The speaker never would with his voice advocate a call for a convention, legislative or straight-out. If other States fly madly from their sphere like erratic rockets to blaze a while, and then die out in eterual night forever, let them fly; but let Virginia be one of those calm, fixed stars, veiled sometimes in cloud and tempes, but indestructible as the firmament from which it shines. Virginia must never perish thus.

Mr. STAPLES, of Patrick, interrupting the Speaker, appealed to the House. He had never said that a convention was to prepare Virginia for the dissolution of her copart nership in the Confederate Union.

Mr. SHEFFEY, continuing, said it was now too late to do this thing. The ship of State is upon the rapids, and if the helmsman cannot guide the ship she must be dashed to pieces. It was no time now to change front; no time to seek a hiding-place from the tempest of war. If we are to sink, let us sink where we stand, and go down with our ship with one triumphant shout of defiance, with the flag of Virginia-" Sic Semper Tyrannis "-floating over

Mr. BURWELL, of Bedford, was going to stick to the ship till she struck or run ashore; then he would build a raft of the fragments and see what could be done. He favored a convention, vested in the Legislature.

Mr. ROBERTSON, of Richmond, said that only when our armies were overthrown, the Confederacy torn limb from limb and State from State, would he give his vote or consent to go into convention. Even up to to the last extremiity, the honor and integrity of Virginia demanded that she should stand firm. If legislators be of the opinion that a convention is demanded, they should withdraw themselves from the possible imputation of being candidates for its membership.

And whereas the re-election of ABRAHAM LINCOLN to the office of President of the United States is advocated by many, if not all of his supporters upon these grounds, and that there is no other way to terminate the war, insisting that there is no disposition on the part of the people of these States to enter into negotiations for peace, except on the distinct admission of the separate independence of these States as a basis:

And whereas, at a recent Convention held in the city of Chicago, a numerous and powerful party has declared its willingness, if successful, to stop fighting and open negotiations with us on the basis of the Federal Constitution as it is, and the restoration of the Union under it: now, therefore

Be it resolved by the Senate and House of Representatives of the State of Alabama in General Assembly convened, That we sincerely desire peace. If the aforesaid party is successful, we are willing and ready to open negotiations for peace on the basis indicated in the platform adopted by said Convention-our sister States of this Confederacy being willing thereto.

For further action, see page 456.

GEORGIA.

In November, 1864, these resolutions were offered by Mr. LINTON STEPHENS :

The General Assembly of the State of Georgia do resolve that the independence of the Southern Confederate States of America, based upon the constitutional compact between the sovereign States composing the Confederacy, and main tained through nearly four years of gigantic war, justly claims from the world its recognition as a rightful fact. 2. That all the States which composed the late American Union, as well those embraced within the present United States as those embraced within the Southern Confederacy, are what the original thirteen States were declared to be by our fathers of 1776, and acknowledged to be by George the Third of England-independent and sovereign; not as one political community, but as States, each one of them constituting such a "people" as have the inalienable right to terminate any Government of their former choice, by withdrawing from it their consent, just as the original thirteen States, through their common agent, acting for and in the name of each one of them, by the withdrawal of their consent, put a rightful termination to the British Government, which has been established over them with their consent.

3. That the sovereignty of the individual States is the only basis of permanent peace on the American continent, and will, if the voice of passion and war can once be hushed, and reason allowed to resume her sway, lead us to an easy and lasting solution of all the matters of controversy involved in the present lamentable war, by simply leaving all the States free to form their political associations with one another, not by force of arms, which excludes the idea of "consent," but by a rational consideration of their respective interests growing out of their natural considerations.

4. That as the very point of controversy in the present war is the settlement of the political association of the States, no treaty of peace can be perfected consistently with the sovereignty of the individual States, without State action on the part of at least those States whose preference may justly be regarded as doubtful, and have not yet been expressed through the appropriate organs; and therefore opposition to all State co-operation in perfecting a peace cannot be consistent with a desire for its establishment on a basis of the sovereignty of the States.

5. That we hail with gratification the just and sound Mr. STAPLES obtained the floor, when Mr. BOULDIN called sentiment coming from a large and growing party in the for the order of the day. The consideration of the tax bill North, that all associations of these American States must and the question under debate was postponed, and a be voluntary, and not forcible, and we give a hearty reresolution from the Senate extending the session twenty-sponse to their proposition to suspend the conflict of arms, two days from Tuesday next taken up.

ALABAMA.

November, 1864-This preamble and resolution were submitted by Mr. PARSONS and debated:

Whereas ABRAHAM LINCOLN, as President of the United States, and commander-in-chief of the army and navy

and hold a convention of States to inaugurate a plan for permanent peace.

6. That the appropriate action of such a convention would be not to perform any agreement or compact between States, but only to frame and propose a plan of peace; and the assembling of such a convention, for such a purpose, would be relieved from all possible constitutional objection by the consent of the two Governments and wit

consent the -.

RESULT OF THE PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION OF 1864.

[This table includes the Home Vote and the Army Vote.]

* In Wisconsin, 3,163 votes for Lincoln, and 1,729 votes for McClellan electors were rejected for informality, and 418 scattering votes were cast, so that the total vote should have been 148,749.

+ This State was entitled to three electors, but one dying before the canvass was concluded, but two votes were cast in the Electoral College.

In Vermont, a large army vote was returned too late to be counted.

In the camps of Kentucky soldiers within that State, the army vote was included in the general canvass.
No army vote was received until too late for the canvass.

The Kansas soldiers' vote was 2,867 for Lincoln and 543 for McClellan; not canvassed on account of being received too late.

President LINCOLN's estimate, page 558, was but 129 less than the exact result!

INDEX.