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ás to afford a diagonal view through it. The general figure of the building is that of an oblong, which has a curve in the place of one of the longer sides. The partition walls run from this curve across the breadth of the figure. The longest of them has a length of 137 feet; the width of all is the same-174 feet.

There is no doubt that this building was an immense reservoir. The walls are coated with a very hard plaster, on which are seen three distinct deposits, one above the other, formed by a sediment from the water. These deposits are now so extremely hard that it is difficult to separate a small portion from the wall. Dr. Burton accounts for the three distinct coatings in a very ingenious manner. "Of the five great aqueducts which brought water into Rome, the Aqua Julia supplied the Esquiline and Palatine Hills. Consequently the Baths of Titus were fed from this stream, and the Sette Sale may have formed the reservoir. Now it is known that the Aqua Julia was a union of three streams: the Aqua Martia brought to Rome, U. C. (in the year of the city,) 608 or 640, by Q. Martius Rex; the Aqua Tepula, which was brought U. C. 627; and the Aqua Julia, properly so called, which was introduced U. C. 721, by M. Agrippa. Each stream originally entered the city by itself; but, as the others were brought, they were successively turned into the same aqueduct, and came on one course of arches into Rome. Now it seems not improbable, that the Aqua Martia or Tepula, (whichever was the earliest,) formed the first deposit. It would seem also by another stream being brought in, that the first must have proved deficient; or while the second work was going on, the water might have been withdrawn, and thus we have the first deposit. Then, when the two streams were let in, another deposit began to be formed, which would not incorporate with the first, but lie over it. Lastly, when the Aqua Julia was being introduced, (after an interval of nearly a century,) the same temporary withdrawing of the water might have taken place, and thus the second deposit would have hardened. After this, the third was formed by the three streams united. To allow this, we must assume that the Sette Sale were not built as a reservoir for the Baths of Titus, but long antecedent, which is not at all contrary to the appearance of the building. It is, indeed, natural to suppose, that when Agrippa brought the aqueduct to the Esquiline Hill, there was a reservoir constructed for it. It seems to have been the custom with most of the aqueducts. The remains of a reservoir for the Claudian Aqueduct, are still to be seen, near the temple of Minerva Medica; and what is called the Castello dell Acqua Giulia, is always allowed to have been a reservoir, though it is disputed for what water. The Piscina Mirabile, near Bain, and the Labyrinth near Pozzuoli, are also instances of this custom prevailing."

Our engraving in page 80 exhibits a view in the "Seven Halls."

AQUEDUCTS.

"I Do not know anything more striking," says Simond, "than these endless arches of Roman aqueducts, pursuing with great strides their irregular course over the desert;they suggest the idea of immensity, of durability, of simplicity, of boundless power, reckless of cost and labour, all for a useful purpose and regardless of beauty. A river n mid-air, which had been flowing on ceaselessly for fifteen, for eighteen hundred, or two thousand years, poured its cataracts into the streets and public squares of Rome when she was mistress, and also when she was the slave of nations; and quenched the thirst of Attila and of Genseric as it had before quenched that of Brutus and Cæsar, and as it has since quenched that of beggars and of popes. During those ages of desolation and darkness, when Rome had almost ceased to be a city, this artificial river ran to waste among the ruins, but now fills again the numerous and magnificent fountains of the modern city. Only three ut of eleven of these ancient aqueducts remain entire, and in a state to conduct water;-what then must have been the profusion of the supply in ancient Rome!"

The term aqueduct, or more correctly aquæduct, composed of two Latin words, signifies in its literal and more extended sense, a.duct, or conduit of water; and in this sense the pipes which carry the water under our streets are aqueducts. Bat the application of the word has been restricted by sage to a peculiar kind of conduits,-those raised partly, if not entirely, above the surface of the ground, for the purpose of conveying water in a slightly descending stream ver valleys and plains, from one comparatively high

point to another. These aqueducts were very extensively used by the Romans, not only at Rome itself but at many of their great cities in the three divisions of the globe with which they were acquainted. "The boldness of the enterprise, the solidity of the execution, and the uses t which they were subservient, rank the aqueducts among the noblest monuments of Roman genius and power. The aqueducts of the capital claim a just pre-eminence; but curious traveller, who, without the light of history, should examine those of Spoleto, of Metz, or of Segovia, would very naturally conclude, that those provincial towns had formerly been the residence of some potent monarch. The solitudes of Asia and Africa were once covered with flourishing cities, whose populousness, and even whose existence, was derived from such artificial supplies of a perennial stream of fresh water."

Both within and without the walls of Rome, fragments of aqueducts may still be seen. The first was constructed in the year 441 of Rome, when Appius Claudius the Censor brought a stream from a distance of seven miles, which was called from him, Aqua Appia. We have a detailed account of the state of the aqueducts of Rome in the reign of Nerva, written by Frontinus his engineer. He tells us that nine different waters" came into Rome then. A writer of the age of Diocletian makes the number nineteen, and another of the sixth century reduces it to fourteen. The Gothic chieftain Vitiges broke down parts of them without the walls, in order to deprive the city of water when he besieged it. Of the fragments yet remaining, "some," says Mr. Woods, "are of stone, others of brickwork, but the former cannot be traced for any continuance; and while two or three are sometimes supported on one range of arches, in other places almost every one seems to have a range to itself. It is curious to trace these repairs, executed perhaps fifteen centuries ago; the execution of the brickwork, in most instances, or, perhaps, in all, shows them to be decidedly prior to the age of Constantine, and the principal restorations, in all probability, took place when the upper water-courses were added. They generally consist of brick arches, built within the ancient stone ones, sometimes resting on the old piers, but more often carried down to the ground, and in some cases the whole arch has been filled up, or only a mere doorway left at the bottom. Sometimes this internal work has been wholly or partially de stroyed; and sometimes the original stone-work has disappeared as the owner of the ground happened to want bricks or squared stones. In one place the ancient piers have been entirely buried in the more recent brick-work; but the brick-work has been broken, and the original stone-work taken away, presenting a very singular, and at first sight, wholly unaccountable, appearance; in other parts, the whole has fallen apparently without having had these brick additions, for a range of parallel mounds mark the situation of the prostrate piers."

Three of the aqueducts of ancient Rome have been repaired and restored so as to afford the modern city an abundant supply of water. These are, first, the Aqua Virgo, which was formed by Agrippa, (the minister of Augustus,) and which entered Rome on the north, at the Porta Pinciana, after a course of twelve miles, subterraneous for about eleven, and on arches above ground for the remaining one mile; second, the Aqua Alsietina, called also Sabatina, Augusta, and Trajana, which was brought by Augustus from the Lake Sabatinus (now Bracciano) on the west of Rome, and which entered the city at the Porta Janiculensis, (now Porta S. Pancrazio) after a course, nearly all subterraneous, of twenty-two miles; and third, the Aqua Claudia, which was begun by Caligula and finished by Claudius, being brought from the mountains near Subiaco, on the south-east of Rome, and entering the city at the Porta Prenestina, (now P. Maggiore,) after a course of forty-six miles, for more than ten of which it was raised upon arches *.

The Aqua Virgo was restored by Pope Nicholas the Fifth; it now supplies the Fountain of Trevi, and is called Acqua Vergine. The Aqua Alsietina was restored by

For the last 6 miles of its course the arches of this aqueduct were continuous, and supported the channel of the Anio Novus, besides that of the Aqua Claudia, both of which streams come from the country near Subiaco. The Anio Novus had a course of more than sixty miles; for the first twelve miles it was carried on arches; it then went under ground, and emerging, when it came within six miles and a half of Rome, was carried to the city on the same range of arches as supported the Aqua Claudia, but in a channel above that. At the Porta Maggiore the two channels of this aqueduct inay be observed.

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Paul the Fifth in 1610, and is now called Acqua Paola; it supplies the fountains of St. Peter's. The Aqua Claudia was partially restored in 1587 by Sixtus the Fifth, from whose conventual name of Fra Felice (or Brother Felix) it is now called the Acqua Felice; it supplies the fountain of

Termini.

Of the oldest aqueduct of ancient Rome, the Aqua Appia, only a small portion close to the city was raised upon arches; and of these arches no remains exist. The Aqua Martia (which we have already mentioned in describing the "Seven Halls of Vespasian,") had a course of sixty miles, for the last seven of which it was raised upon arches; and of these arches considerable remains exist. Near the gate of S. Lorenzo may be seen a fragment of this aqueduct with its three water-courses; and at some distance from the walls, the line of arches may be traced for nearly two miles. "Some," says Forsyth, "have proposed the restitution of this aqueduct: but Rome,' say the Romans, has more water than it wants.'-' Give it then to the Campagna.-The Campagna has no inhabitants to drink water.'-' And why has it no inhabitants? but for want of good water as well as good air.''

Again, he asks, "Why do these aqueducts cross the Campagna in courses so unnecessarily uneven, long, and indirect? Several motives have been alleged, all of which may have influenced the ancients; but their chief motive, in my opinion, was to distribute part of their water to the Campagna itself, and to diffuse it there like the veins in a vine-leaf. Besides this general circuit, the Romans bent their aqueducts, into frequent angles like a screen; not so much to break the force of their currents as to give stability to the arcades."

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The constant use of aqueducts by the Romans has been cited as a proof that they were ignorant of the principle in hydrostatics, that water will always rise to the level of its source; and their patient industry has been ridiculed, in taking so much trouble to convey upon arches of brick or stone, what might have been brought in pipes underground. "How far," says Dr. Burton, "or how long, the Romans were really ignorant of this principle, I cannot pretend to say; perhaps, when they first erected arches for this purpose, they were not aware that the labour might have been saved; but it is difficult to deny that many Roman aqueducts were constructed in this manner after the principle was known. The Meta Sudans, a fragment of which still exists near the Coliseum, is said to have been a fountain; and it is evident that the water which supplied was not raised by mere mechanical means. Pliny mentions one hundred and five fountains (salientes) in Rome; and, from the Latin term for a fountain, it appears certain that they resembled those of modern times, and that the water was thrown up merely by its own pressure. But another passage of Pliny is more decisive, and ought to set the question at rest as to the science of his days; he says, 'The water, which is wanted to rise to any height, should come out of lead. It rises to the height of its source.' another place he observes, the ancients carried their streams in a lower course, either because they were not yet acquainted with the exact principle of keeping a level, or because they purposely sunk them underground, that they I might not easily be interrupted by the enemy.'” Although it is thus evident that the hydrostatical principle was not wholly unknown to the Romans, still it is doubted whether they so far understood it as to believe aqueducts unnecessary, and, consequently, whether they constructed their aqueducts rather from reasons of policy than from ignorance.

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The aqueducts of ancient Rome discharged their streams into reservoirs, called castella, from which the water was distributed throughout the different districts of the city in leaden pipes. The remains of some of these castella, or at least ruins which the antiquaries take to be such, are still to be seen.

THE FORUM OF TRAJAN.

THE Forum of Trajan is often spoken of as having been the most wonderful of all the wonders of Ancient Rome. It was the work of the celebrated architect Apollodorous, of whom Mr. Woods says, that "every morsel which we see of his works, makes us regret that we do not see more of them." It occupied the space between the Capitoline and Quirinal Hills; and within its circuit were a palace, a gymnasium, a library, triumphal arch, porticoes, &c., many of which were ornamented with equestrian statues and military ensigns gilt-some of them spoils of the Dacian

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Its principal ornament was the magnificent pillar or column which still remains erect and nearly perfect; but another very famous one was an equestrian statue of Trajan in gilt bronze. Its whole length is supposed to have been about 1150 feet, and its general width 470 feet. Along the sides were rows of columns; at one extremity stood the temple of Trajan, and on the opposite one, a triumphal About the centre stood the large and splendid arch. 'Ulpian Basilica." The whole of its area-even that part exposed to the open air-was paved with marble. This Forum served, amongst other purposes, to use the language of Sir J. Hobhouse, to perpetuate the memory of the good and great-or of such as in the declining ages could pretend to that distinction. We know that Marcus Aurelius erected statues in this Forum to all those who fell in the German war, and that Alexander Severus transferred thither those of other celebrated personages from other sites. "The same place was devoted to the labours of artists and literary heroes; here the poets and others recited their compositions, perhaps in the Ulpian library; and here their images were allowed a place amongst conquerors and monarchs. The sight of this Forum would furnish a singular supplement to ancient history, and rescue from oblivion many who were as much the delight and admiration of their contemporaries, as Cicero and Virgil."

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Ammianus Marcellinus tells us, that when the Emperor Constans entered Rome, A.D. 356, “and came to the Forum of Trajan, a structure which I conceive to be unique in the world, and deserving the admiration even of celestial beings, he was struck with astonishment, casting his thoughts over its gigantic edifices which it is impossible to describe, or for any mortals to imitate. Giving up, therefore, all hopes of attempting anything similar, he said that the only thing which he would or could imitate, was the horse on which the emperor sat. Upon which Hormisdas, of the royal family of Persia, who was near him, said, First order a stable to be built similar to this if you have the means: may the horse which you purpose forming, be as successful as that which we are looking at.'" At what period the destruction of this beautiful Forum took place, we are not informed; this, however, we learn, that it was not occasioned by either Alaric or Genseric; for Cassiodorus, who wrote about the year 500, says, when speaking of the most remarkable objects to be seen in the city, that" The Forum of Trajan is a perfect miracle, if we inspect it even with the utmost minuteness." Pausanias mentions among its richest ornaments two statues, one of Nicomedes, king of Bithynia, in ivory, and another of Augustus, executed in natural electrum, a substance apparently of a metallic nature, found, although rarely, on the banks of the Po.

At an early period, however, in the destruction of Rome, the Forum of Trajan-the noblest structure as it is called in the ancient city-had partaken of the general desolation; and " we may fairly pronounce that long previously to the twelfth century, the base of the Quirinal had begun to assume its ancient form, ere it had been cleared by the subjects of Trajan." In 1480, this Forum was completely choked up by 200 houses, three towers, and three churches.

Paul the Third opened the base of the column, and in the time of Flaminius Vacca, an arch was dug from under ground, perhaps in the pontificate of the same pope, and the flooring of the Forum was discovered, but immediately shut up again. "The late excavation enables us at last to tread the floor of ancient Rome. The replacing the fragments of the columns on their bases, and the judicious arrangement of the other marbles, has created an effect little inferior to the wonders of Pompeii. The stranger must be much struck with the massive Greek dimensions of the fragments when compared with the space in which so many buildings were raised. Here we have a Forum with its porticoes, and statues, and tribunals; a basilica with a double internal portico on every side; a quadrangular court or atrium also adorned with enormous columns; two libraries, a triumphal arch, the great column, and the portion of a temple, crowded into a space not so considerable as one of our smallest London squares."

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The site of the Forum of Trajan is fortunately identified by the magnificent pillar still erect; and recent excavations Marble pave have led to some interesting discoveries. ment in its original situation, steps, foundations of walls, numerous fragments of granite columns, and four of the Corinthian bases belonging to them, remain in their places; and these, with the help of several pieces of travertine also unmoved, and evidently intended to receive similar bases, have enabled the directors to put the fragments in proper

situations. What is principally laid open is the Basilica; and for this, it was necessary to destroy several houses and two convents. The width of the part now exposed, is believed to be about half the length of the Basilica. Of the libraries, antiquaries have thought that they distinguished some vestiges near the column; but very little of the situation has been examined, and nothing of that of the Temple of Trajan, erected afterwards by Hadrian. The remains of some piers were found on the north side of the column, and indications of their having been altered and partly removed, in order, as is imagined, to make room for the access to this temple. Two churches and a palace are in the way of any further researches in the direction in which, if anywhere, the remains of the Temple of Trajan would probably be found; and independently of this, the great extent of the ground required to be excavated in order to display the whole design, and the difficulty and expense of preserving it after it is exposed, deprives one of all hope of seeing it executed. The column still remains a noble monument of the taste and skill of the architect Apollodorus."

THE PILLAR OR COLUMN OF TRAJAN. TRAJAN'S Pillar is the only structure in his Forum which has survived the accidents of time and fortune. It was erected in the year of our Lord 115, by the senate and people of Rome, to commemorate the victories of Trajan in his two Dacian campaigns. The first of these was un dertaken in the year 101, and lasted three years; its result was honourable to the Roman arms, as the fierce Dacians were compelled to sue for peace. The second was undertaken in 105, and concluded in the next year; in this, the Dacian king having destroyed himself to avoid capture or defeat, his dominions were subdued by Trajan and annexed to the empire. The column was erected during Trajan's absence in an expedition against the Parthians and Armenians; and although it may have been begun before his departure, it is certain that he never saw it finished, as he died at Seleucia in 117, without returning to Rome. His ashes were brought home and placed in a golden ball at the top of the pillar, "which was a singular honour," says Dr. Burton, "on account of the custom which prohibited any burials within the walls." Some accounts place this golden ball in the hand of the statue at the top of the pillar, and others deposit it at the bottom; the testimony of a coin is in favour of the former. The ball itself is said to be still preserved, and to be that which is seen on the milestone upon the balustrade of the modern Capitol.

The height of this pillar, including the statue which formerly surmounted it, is reckoned by ancient writers at one hundred and forty feet. As it at present stands without the statue, its height is one hundred and twenty-eight modern Roman, or one hundred and twenty-four English feet. When this colossal statue was thrown down is not known. The feet were standing in the time of Pope Sixtus the Fifth, and the head was found in the rubbish at the base. The statue of St. Peter now on the summit is eleven feet high, and of gilt bronze; it was put up by Sixtus the Fifth in 1587.

The whole pillar is formed of thirty-three large blocks of marble, of which eight are used in the base, twenty-three in the shaft, one in the capital, and one above it. The diameter of the shaft is eleven feet two inches at the bottom, and ten feet at the top. The base is square, and measures twenty feet on each side; it is covered with trophies, and at each corner is an eagle holding in his talons a wreath of oak, which extends from the one to the other all round. Inside the pillar is a spiral staircase cut out of the marble blocks, and leading to the summit by one hundred and eighty-four steps; the light is admitted by fortythree apertures. On the base is an inscription, which is perfect except in one small portion, where the letters have been defaced by buildings erected against the pillar in the middle ages; and as usual, the antiquaries have eagerly laid hold of the opportunity to kindle a formidable disputation concerning the missing letters. The doubtful part of the inscription is certainly an important one, for it is that which states the object of erecting the column; but all the various readings proposed lead to the same interpretation in the end. The tenour of the inscription is this, that the senate and people of Rome erected the column to Trajan, &c.," for the purpose of declaring of how much of its height the mount and the place had been deprived by such great labours."

Considerable discussion has arisen concerning the meaning of this declaration, or rather the inference to be drawn from it. It is supposed by some, that the Capitoline and Quirinal Hills were originally united, or one and the same hill, and that to form his Forum, Trajan cut them asunder, and cleared out a sufficient space between them. "It has been thought by some," says the Italian geologist Brocchi, "that, before the reign of Trajan, the Quirinal was always connected with the Capitoline Hill; and, in support of this opinion, they adduce the inscription which may be read on the pedestal of the great column, erected between these two hills in honour of that emperor. Those who hold this opinion, consider that the inscription indicates the depth of the cutting made, in order to separate the one hill from the other, as corresponding to the height of the monument itself. We leave it to archæologists to interpret this mutilated inscription at their pleasure, but in whatever manner it may please them to do so, it can never be concluded that the capitol was once connected with the Quirinal. These two hills were entirely distinct from the first ages of Rome, and the fact is so obvious, that long arguments are not needed for its demonstration.'

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THE PILLAR OR COLUMN OF TRAJAN,

The opinion which Brocchi entertains, and which is now generally entertained, is this, that Trajan enlarged the valley, which had always existed between the two hills, so as to render the area of his Forum level and more spacious, and that this operation consisted essentially in lessening the steep inclination of the Quirinal, by removing the earth for a distance as high up as corresponded with the capital of the column, thus obtaining a gentle slope which conducted from the mount to his Forum. Dr. Burton remarks, "that, whatever the true reading of the inscription may be, enough remains to prove the extraordinary fact, that as much soil was cut away to form this Forum as equalled the height of the pillar. It does not, however, follow, that the Quirinal Hill ever extended to the site of the column; the work which Trajan undertook may have been in a different part of the Forum."

We have now to describe the most curious and the most

remarkable part of this column, namely, the bas-reliefs which cover the shaft, running round it in a spiral band, which makes twenty-two revolutions in passing from the base to the capital. The subjects of these bas-reliefs are the victories of Trajan in his Dacian campaigns. The whole number of figures sculptured is about 2500; the figure of Trajan himself is repeated more than fifty times. At the lower part of the column the human figures are about two feet in height; as they ascend, and thus become further removed from the eye, their size is increased, till at the top of the column they have nearly double the height that they have below. As a matter of course the height or width of each bend of the spiral increases similarly. These basreliefs are executed with great delicacy and spirit, but they possess for us a high value of a different kind.

"The Roman dress and manners," says Dr. Burton, may receive considerable light from these bas-reliefs. We find the soldiers constantly carrying their swords on the right side. On a march they are generally bareheaded; some have no helmets at all; others wear them suspended to their right shoulder; each of them carry a stick over the left shoulder, which seems to have been for the purpose of conveying their provisions. We may observe a wallet, a vessel for wine, a machine for dressing meat, &c. We know, from other accounts, that they sometimes carried sixty pounds, and food for seventeen days; they never carried less than enough for three days. Their shields are oblong, with different devices upon them. Their standards are of various kinds, such as a hand within a wreath of laurel, which was considered a sign of concord. Pictures also were used, which were portraits of gods or heroes. The soldiers wear upon their legs a kind of tight pantaloon, reaching a little below the knee, and not buttoned. The Dacians have loose pantaloons, reaching to the ancle, and shoes; they also carry curved swords. The Sarmatian cavalry, allies of Decebalus, [the Dacian King,] wear platearmour, covering the men and horses. These were called Cataphracti, or Clibanarii; and the words of Ammianus exactly answer the representation on the column. Their armour was a covering of thin circular plates, which were adapted to the movements of the body, and drawn over all their limbs, so that in whatever direction they wished to move, their clothing allowed them free play by the close fitting of its joints.'

"Some Roman soldiers have also plate-armour, but they are archers. The horses have saddles, or rather cloths, which are fastened by cords round the breast and under the tail. The Dacian horses are without this covering; and the Germans, or some other allies, have neither saddles nor bridles to their horses. We might observe several other particulars, such as a bridge of boats over a river, and that the boats everywhere are without a rudder, but are guided by an oar fastened with a thong on one side of the stern. The wall of the camp has battlements, and the heads of the Dacians are stuck upon it. The Dacian women are represented burning the Roman prisoners. We may also see the testudo, formed by soldiers putting their shields together in a compact mass over their backs; also, the sacrifice called suovetaurilia. Victory is represented as writing with a pen upon a shield."

"Trajan's column," says Forsyth, "considered as a long historical record, to be read round and round a long convex surface, made perspective, impossible. Every perspective has one fixed point of view, but here are ten thousand. The eye, like the relievos of the column, must describe a spiral round them, widening over the whole piazza; hence, to be legible, the figures must be lengthened as they rise. This license is necessary here, but in architecture it may be contested against Vitruvius himself."

Concerning the merits of the column, as a whole, we quote the following remarks from the Letters of an Architect.

"It may be said that one column of this sort is very much like another, and that there is very little room for the merit of the architect; but if you were to go two or three times to the column of Antoninus, and return to that of Trajan, you would feel the great superiority of the latter, though it might puzzle you not a little to find out in what that superiority consisted. This magnificent column must always have been conspicuous as it is now, rising above the Basilica and all the buildings of the Forum; but the pedestal could hardly be seen, except from the confined little court in which it stood. This apparent disproportion is one of the secrets of effect in architecture. You show large and lofty edifices from large spaces it is

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true, but then you should also endeavour sometimes to bring great things into contrast with little spaces. Nothing impresses the idea of size more strongly; and when again you see the edifice from a larger space, perhaps over the tops of smaller buildings, the imagination carries on the idea of size to all its accompaniments."

THE MOLE OF HADRIAN, OR CASTLE OF ST. ANGELO.
Turn to the Mole which Hadrian reared on high,
Imperial mimic of old Egypt's piles,
Colossal copyist of deformity.

THE Moles Hadriani, or Mole of Hadrian, was erected by the emperor whose name it bore, to serve for his mausoleum; he is thought to have raised it in imitation of Augustus, whose mausoleum stood at a short distance on the opposite, or left bank of the Tiber, and has not yet altogether disappeared, although its confused remains are surrounded and hidden by modern buildings. Like its prototype, the Mole of Hadrian was circular; it consisted of three stories, each considerably smaller in diameter than the one below it, and the whole resting on a square basement. It is supposed that the first and second stories were adorned with columns and statues around their circumference, and that the third was crowned by a cupola, and a statue of Hadrian. Procopius, a writer of the sixth century thus describes it:

"The tomb of the Emperor Hadrian stands without the Porta Aurelia, at about a stone's throw from the walls, and is undoubtedly well worth seeing; for it is built of Parian marble, the square stones (of which the basement is built,) are joined alternately to each other, without the admixture of any cement, and it is divided into four sides, of equal dimensions; each is of such a length, that a stone thrown from one angle would but just reach the other. In height it surpasses the walls of the city. There are also statues on it of men and horses, finished with wonderful skill out of Parian marble. The inhabitants, a long time ago, observing it stand like a tower overlooking the city, carried out two arms from the walls to the tomb, and, by building them into it, so united it, that henceforward it became part of the walls, for it has a very lofty appearance like a tower, and overhangs the gate in that quarter."

Of this magnificent mausoleum, the basement and the first circular story, stripped of all its ornaments, and encumbered with an irregular mass of modern buildings, still remain. The spectator should always bear in mind, that, with these exceptions, he sees nothing in the present structure which dates earlier than the beginning of the fifteenth century; and that even the circular mass itself has, since that period, been much changed by the explosion of the powder-magazine in 1497, and the final reparation which it then underwent. This enormous tower is imposing from its size, the circumference being 576 feet.

During the siege of Rome by the Goths under Vitiges, in 537, the Mole of Hadrian was converted into a temporary fortress, and to this period is to be referred the destruction of the statues which formerly adorned it; the besieged threw them down upon their assailants. When the scheme of dragging the Tiber for antiquities was carried into execution in 1819, great hopes were entertained that some of these statues would be found, but these hopes were disappointed. The sanguine supporters of the scheme seem to have forgotten, as Dr. Burton remarks, that marble statues, probably of colossal size, could not easily be used as weapons of offence, unless they were first broken in pieces. Indeed Procopius says distinctly that they were so:" having broken the statues," he tells us, "which were of marble, and of great size, they threw down large stones made out of their fragments on the heads of the enemy." Two statues were, however, found in the ditch of the fortress in the early part of the seventeenth century, but whether they belonged to the collection which ornamented the mausoleum is unknown.

It is probable that the mausoleum haa been used as a place of defence before the attack of Vitiges, perhaps during Alaric's invasion. It afterwards fell into the hands of Totila, and the garrison which held it after his death, rendered it a very strong fortress, surrounding it with walls, which they connected with those of the city. It was surrendered by the Goths in 553, during Justinian's reign, and during the period of the Exarchate it was held for the Greek emperors. Luitprand, a writer of the tenth century, thus describes its appearance in his time:

"In the entrance to the city of Rome there is a fortifi

cation of astonishing workmanship and astonishing strength; | in front of the gate is a bridge of great consequence over the Tiber, which is the first in going in or out of Rome; nor is there any other way of passing, except over this bridge, but this cannot be done except by leave of those who guard the fortress. The fortress itself is of so great a height, that a church, which is built at the top of it, in honour of the Archangel Michael, chief of the heavenly host, is called the Church of St. Angelo in the Heavens.' There is still a figure of an angel upon the top; but a writer of the sixteenth century speaks of it as a thing which had existed, but did not exist in his days.

In the severe contests, of which Rome was continually the theatre, between the popes, the antipopes, the barons, and the people, the Mole of Hadrian figures conspicuously. The first pope who obtained possession of it was John the Twelfth, who filled the papal chair in the middle of the tenth century. Succeeding popes and antipopes at times held it securely, and at times were driven out of it by the turbulent barons and citizens. Its importance, as an engine for overawing a rebellious people, did not escape the discernment of the pontiffs; neither did it escape the observation of the people themselves, who deliberately declared by a public decree, that when they should obtain possession of it, they would uproot it from its very foundations. In 1378 this decree was near being carried into effect; the partisans of Pope Urban the Sixth, having taken it from those of the Antipope Clement, in spite of the garrison which the French cardinals, who opposed Urban's election, had placed there, proceeded as far as they could in the work of destruction, and contrived to disfigure the structure and reduce it to its present shapeless mass. They stripped off the marbles, and destroyed the form of the square basement, and were only stopped from further mischief by the strength and solidity of the building.

The fortress remained dismantled till 1392, when the two Romani said to Pope Boniface the Ninth, "If you wish to maintain the dominion of Rome, fortify the Castle of St. Angelo." He followed their advice, and the event is thus significantly recorded by a great Roman antiquary. "Pope Boniface the Ninth first fortified the Mole of Hadrian, and established the dominion of the Roman Pontiffs." The people foresaw and felt the fatal consequences. They petitioned Innocent the Seventh, the successor of Boniface, to restore to them "their liberty, the capitol, the Milvian Bridge, and the Mole of Hadrian." They even seized, for a moment, the first three; in an attack on the mole they were repulsed by the pontifical troops, and completely routed in the gardens of Nero, in the Vatican. The popes had now no longer to fight for this fortress with the people, for the future they only fought for it with one another.

The castle underwent many alterations and additions at the hands of succeeding pontiffs. Alexander the Sixth constructed the brickwork on the summit, and also the bastion; to him likewise is to be attributed the secret communication with the Vatican. His additions to the works enabled the castle to withstand the siege of the Imperialists under Charles the Fifth, and it was at last surrendered, not taken by assault. Paul the Third and Paul the Fourth also did much towards ornamenting and strengthening it; but the great engineer was Urban the Eighth, who occupied the pontifical throne from 1623 to 1644; he added a mound, a ditch, a bastion, and a hundred pieces of cannon, thereby making it appear, as a Roman antiquary quaintly observes, that his bees (the arms of his family, the Barberini,) not only gave honey, but had stings for the fight."

The most interesting event in the history of this castle, is the siege of it by the Imperialists in 1527, when they were led by Charles de Bourbon, (commonly called the Constable de Bourbon, as he was Constable of France,) on his celebrated expedition for the plunder of Rome. He arrived before the walls of that city on the 5th of May; and on the following morning at daybreak commenced the assault. He was himself the first to mount the walls, and he was also the first who fell; Benvenuto Cellini, the sculptor, tells us, in his amusing memoirs, that it was he who fired the fatal shot, but there is of course a great uncertainty upon the point. The city was captured and exposed to ravages greater, perhaps, than it had ever suffered in its decline, from the barbarian Goths and Vandals as we style them. Pope Clement the Seventh withdrew to the Castle of St. Angelo, where he sustained a siege in company with thirteen cardinals.

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During the siege Benvenuto Cellini directed the artillery

of the castle, and according to his own account, made sad havoc among the Imperialists. Indeed, he tells us plainly, that but for him the castle would have been taken when the city fell. After killing the Constable, he and a companion contrived to make their way to the gate of the castle: "When we arrived at the gate above mentioned," he says, "part of the enemy had already entered Rome, and we had them at our heels. The castellan having thought proper to let down the portcullis, there was just room enough made for us four to enter. No sooner had we entered than the Captain Pallone de Medici pressed me into the service because I belonged to the Pope's household, and forced me to leave Alessandro very much against my will. At this very juncture Pope Clement had entered the castle of St. Angelo by the long gallery from St. Peter's, for he did not choose to quit the Vatican sooner, never once dreaming that the enemy would storm the city. As soon as I found myself within the castle walls I went up to some pieces of artillery which a bombardier named Giuliano, a Florentine, had under his direction. This Giuliano standing upon one of the battlements, saw his house pillaged, and his wife and children cruelly used: fearing to shoot any of his friends, he did not venture to fire the guns, but throwing the match upon the ground made a piteous lamentation, tearing his hair, and uttering the most doleful cries. His example was followed by several other gunners, which vexed me to such a degree, that I took one of the matches, and getting some people to assist me who had not the same passions to disturb them, I directed the fire of the artillery and falcons where I saw occasion, and killed a considerable number of the enemy. If I had not taken this step, the party which entered Rome that morning, would have proceeded directly to the castle; and it might possibly have been a very easy matter for them to have stormed it, as they would have met with no obstruction from the artillery. I continued to fire away, which made some cardinals and gentlemen bless me and extol my activity to the skies. Emboldened by this I used my utmost exertions: let it suffice that it was I who preserved the castle that morning, and by whose means the other bombardiers began to resume their duty; and so I continued to act the whole day."

Cellini was then posted by the Pope's desire with five great guns in the highest part of the castle; " I obeyed his orders," he says, "with alacrity, and had better success than if I had been following my own business." Of the marvellous skill with which he performed the duties of this new station, Cellini has left us an accurate account, embellished in his characteristic manner with various anecdotes more amusing, as Mr. Roscoe, (from whose spirited translation of the Memoirs we have quoted,) says than credible.

"There passed not a day," he says, "that I did not kill some of the army without the castle. One day, amongst others, the pope happened to walk upon the round rampart, when he saw in the public walks a Spanish colonel, whom he knew by certain tokens; and understanding that he had formerly been in his service, said something concerning him, all the while observing him attentively. I, who was above the battery, and knew nothing of the matter, but saw a man who was employed in getting the ramparts repaired, and who stood with a spear in his hand, dressed in rose colour, began to deliberate how I should lay him flat. I took my swivel, which was almost equal to a demi-culverine, turned it round, and charging it with a good quantity of fine and coarse powder mixed, aimed it at him exactly; though he was at so great a distance that it could not be expected any effort of art should make such pieces carry so far, I fired off the gun, and hit the man in red exactly in the middle. He had arrogantly placed his sword before him in a sort of Spanish bravado, but the ball of my piece hit against his sword, and the man was seen severed in two pieces. The pope, who did not dream of any such thing, was highly delighted and surprised at what he saw, as well because he thought it impossible that such a piece could carry so far, as by reason he could not conceive how the man could be cut into two pieces. Upon this he sent for me, and made an inquiry into the whole affair. I told him the art I had used to fire in that manner; but as for the man being split into two pieces, neither he nor I was able to account for it. So falling upon my knees I entreated his holiness to absolve me from the guilt of homicide, as likewise from other crimes which I had committed in that castle in the service of the church. The pope lifting up his hands, and making the sign of the cross

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