ton, and also the British consuls at New York, Philadelphia, and Cincinnati, because of their complicity in violating neutrality laws. This action did not disturb the friendly relations between the two governments, as had been anticipated. The American minister (Mr. Dallas) remained in London, but the British government had not, in December, 1856, filled the place made vacant by the departure of its representative from Washington.

Indian wars,' foreign relations, and almost every other public topic, was, for many months previous to the presidential election in November, 1856, completely overshadowed by the great question of the extension of human slavery into Territories of the United States, then free; and upon that issue was the struggle for ascendancy in the choice of a Chief Magistrate for the Republic, which occurred on the 4th of that month. It has been observed that the passage of the Kansas-Nebraska Act' [May 27, 1854], and the repeal of the Missouri Compromise Act,' were regarded as ominous of much future trouble. That trouble came with swift feet. The repeal of the Missouri Compromise left all territory belonging to the United States open to the social institutions of every section of the Union. Then commenced one of the most desperate struggles between the pro-slavery and anti-slavery people of our country, which had yet been seen. It was a struggle for immediate supremacy in Kansas, and future dominion in all the States yet to be admitted into the Confederation. Emigration to Kansas from the free States was at once urged by the opposers of slavery; and on the 24th of July, 1854 (two months after the repeal of the Missouri Compromise Act), an Emigrant Aid Society, which had been incorporated by the Legislature of Massachusetts in April previous, was formed in Boston. This movement excited the friends of slavery to action; and in Missouri, combinations were at once formed to counteract it, under the various names of "Social Band," "Friends' Society," "Friends' Society," "Blue Lodge," "The Sons of the South," etc. Emigration soon commenced flowing into Kansas from the free States; and during the period from August to October, 1854, several towns were formed by these people. The Missourians also went into the Territory, and founded several towns; and in October, the appointed governor of Kansas, A. H. Reeder, arrived. With the election in March following [1855], when a Territorial Legislature was chosen, commenced a reign of terror in Kansas, and for more than a year civil war raged in that beautiful land. All classes of men carried deadly weapons about their persons, and a slight or accidental quarrel frequently produced unusual violence. Finally, Governor Reeder departed for Washington [April 19, 1855] to consult with the Federal Government on the affairs of the Territory.

4

Early in the autumn of 1855, and while the exasperation of both parties in Kansas was at its height, the free State men of the Territory held a convention [Sept. 5], and nominated Governor Reeder as a delegate in Congress, in place

1 Page 527.

2

Page 521.

Pages 452 and 501.

* The free State settlers founded the towns of Lawrence, Topeka, Boston (now called Manhattan), Grasshopper Falls, Pawnee, and other settlements.

5

They founded Kickapoo, Doniphan, Atchison, and other places on the Missouri River.

of General Whitfield, who had been chosen at a previous election, not, as was alleged, by the votes of actual settlers, but by those of people from Missouri. Reeder was elected in October; and when, on the 4th of February, 1856, General Whitfield was admitted, provisionally, to a seat in Congress, he contested it with him. On the 11th of November [1855], the free State convention completed a State Constitution, and submitted it to the people; and on the 17th of January following, elections under it were held. On the 24th of that month, the President of the United States sent a special message to Congress, in which he represented the formation of the free State government in Kansas as an act of rebellion.

Troubles still continued. Violence and bloodshed prevailed in that unhappy Territory. The accounts from Kansas being very contradictory and alarming, the House of Representatives, on the 19th of March, appointed a committee of three to proceed thither, investigate the whole matter, and report. They returned to Washington in June; and on the 1st of July the majority of the committee presented their report, which concluded with the following summing up:

"First. That each election in the Territory, held under the organic or alleged Territorial law, has been carried by organized invasions from the State of Missouri, by which the people of the Territory have been prevented from exercising the rights secured to them by the organic law.

"Second. That the alleged Territorial Legislature was an illegally-constituted body, and had no power to pass valid laws, and their enactments are, therefore, null and void.

"Third. That these alleged laws have not, as a general thing, been used to protect persons and property and to punish wrong, but for unlawful purposes.

"Fourth. That the election under which the sitting delegate, John W. Whitfield, holds his seat, was not held in pursuance of any valid law, and that it should be regarded only as the expression of the choice of those resident citizens who voted for him.

66

'Fifth. That the election under which the contesting delegate, Andrew H. Reeder, claims his seat, was not held in pursuance of law, and that it should be regarded only as the expression of the choice of the resident citizens who voted for him.

"Sixth. That Andrew H. Reeder received a greater number of votes of resident citizens than John W. Whitfield, for delegate.

"Seventh. That in the present condition of the Territory, a fair election can not be held without a new census, a stringent and well-guarded election law, the selection of impartial judges, and the presence of United States troops at every place of election.

66

Eighth. That the various elections held by the people of the Territory, preliminary to the formation of the State government, have been as regular as the disturbed condition of the Territory would allow; and that the Constitution passed by the convention, held in pursuance of said elections, embodies the will of a majority of the people.

"As it is not the province of your committee to suggest remedies for the existing troubles in the Territory of Kansas, they content themselves with the foregoing statement of facts."

The minority report declared the statements of the majority to be ex parte, and in many cases untrue; and thus, after a long investigation, and the excitation of high hopes that the committee would unanimously agree, and suggest some plan for the pacification of the Territory, both parties were dissatisfied with the result. As the autumn advanced, and the presidential election approached, disturbances were less frequent and general. Isolated cases of violence, committed by persons of both parties, frequently occurred, ard order

was not fully restored when the year drew toward a close. The time when peace and prosperity shall prevail in that unhappy country, was yet an unsolved question. The events which have transpired there, appear as a foul blot upon our national escutcheon; and the year 1856 will be looked back upon by American citizens with the deepest mortification, as an era of national disgrace. But the time has not yet arrived to write a truthful history of events there. There is now too much of the smoke of error to perceive the truth in its clearness. The pabulum of all the difficulty is the question of the extension of slavery over territory yet free, compounded with the selfish ambition of demagogues who are governed by those seven controlling principles-five loaves and two fishes.

The question of the extension of slavery has now assumed a form and dimension, which loom above all other national topics. Under its influence new political organizations have grown up; and in the presidential campaign of 1856, three contestants for the office of Chief Magistrate of the Republic, appeared, each the representative of a distinct party. For more than a year previously, a new organization, composed of men of all political creeds, united in opposition to the extension of slavery, had been gathering force and bulk, until, when the presidential contest came on [November 4, 1856], it had assumed giant proportions in the Free States, and was looked upon kindly by many in the slave States. This is known as the Republican party. Long before its advent, another organization, at first secret in its operations, and known as the American or Know-Nothing party, had become a great political power in the country, its chief bond of union being opposition to foreign influence, and the domination of Roman Catholicism in our political affairs. The old Democratic party, dating its modern organization at the election of President Jackson in 1828,' had become divided and weakened; while the old Whig party' was virtually annihilated as a distinct organization, having real vitality. Thus appeared the several partisan forces early in 1856, when the leaders of each prepared to choose their respective standard-bearers for the presidential campaign.

4

The American party held a national convention in Philadelphia, in February, 1856; and on the 22d of that month, nominated ex-President Fillmore, for re-election to the high office he had once held. Andrew J. Donelson, of Tennessee, was nominated for Vice-President. Subsequently, some of the Americans, disagreeing with their brethren on the subject of slavery, repudiated that nomination, but Mr. Fillmore continued his position as a nominee, and went into the election, having the support of a large number of the old Whig party. The two wings of the Democratic party became partially reconciled later in the season; and on the 2d of June, delegates from each met in national convention at Cincinnati. After several ballotings, on the 5th, James Buchanan of Pennsylvania was unanimously nominated for President, and John C. Breckinridge, of Kentucky, for Vice-President. A national convention of Republican delegates assembled at Philadelphia on the 17th of June,

1 Page 459.

Note 1, page 479.

2 Note 2, page 466.

Note 5, page 501. • Page 522.

and nominated John C. Fremont,' of California, for President, and William L. Dayton, of New Jersey, for Vice-President. The Democratic and Republican conventions promulgated, by resolutions, their respective principles and policy, to which the candidate of each subscribed, while the nominee of the American. party referred his countrymen to his past acts as the exponents of his principles.

James Bachanang

2

Never, since the election of General Harrison, in 1840, had there been so much excitement in the country, as during the presidential campaign of 1856. The great question of the extension of slavery was the leading topic with the Republicans; while all parties used extraordinary efforts in support of their respective candidates. The contest finally ended on the 4th of November, and resulted in the election of James Buchanan,' as President of the United

2

1 Page 488. Page 473. 3 James Buchanan was born in Franklin county, Pennsylvania, on the 23d of April, 1791. He was educated at Dickenson College, where he was graduated at the age of eighteen years. In 1809 he was admitted to the bar, and was soon in successful practice in his native State. In 1814, when only twenty-three years of age, he was elected to a seat in the Legislature of Pennsylvania. This was his first prominent appearance in public life. In 1815 he distinguished himself in his State Legislature as an opponent of the United States Bank, and became one of the foremost men in the Republican party. He was elected to Congress in 1820, and there he soon became distinguished as a speaker and debater. After ten years' service, he retired from Congress in 1831, when President Jackson appointed him minister to Russia. In 1833 he was elected to the United States Senate, where he also served ten years. President Polk called him to his cabinet, as Secretary of State; and in 1849 he again retired to private life. In 1853 he was appointed minister to England; and in June, 1856, he was nominated for President of the United States. In November following he was elected to that high office. Mr. Buchanan is now [December, 1856] in the sixty-sixth year of his age.

States, and of John C. Breckinridge, as Vice-President. Already the political cauldron, recently so seething, has become quiescent. The rancor of party spirit has abated. The people of our beloved Union-the great conservative masses who cling to it as the ark of freedom for the world—acquiesce gracefully in the choice of the majority, and, with true faith, will hope for good things, while, with true love for our free institutions, they will work nobly for their perpetuation.

The question of slavery still looms up, dark and ominous, asking for a solution. In it are involved the principles of moral right, political and social expediency, and a great pecuniary interest. It has ever been a vexing and perplexing question, and has produced more heart-burnings-more "envy, hatred, and malice, and all uncharitableness," among our people, than all other national questions which have arisen since the birth of the Republic. The prolific seed of the institution was brought here and planted, early; and its mighty fruition is now our GREAT AND ABIDING TROUBLE. In the same year when the Pilgrim Fathers,' fleeing from spiritual slavery, landed on the bleak shores of Massachusetts Bay, a Dutch vessel carried Africans to Virginia, and sold them to the English settlers there. To the humane impulses of Las Casas, a sagacious Romish priest, Western Africa is indebted for all its troubles connected with the foreign slave-trade. He had long witnessed the sufferings of the weak and gentle natives of the West India Islands, under the cruel rigors of Spanish bondage. He saw them perish by thousands; and, moved by pity, he suggested that the more hardy Africans, who were continually at war with each other, and sold their captives into slavery, should be substituted. The sanction of the Pope to this traffic was speedily obtained; and before the close of the 16th century, the whole Atlantic coast of Africa between the tropics, became one great slave mart. That traffic had no justification in English laws, nor early colonial statutes; yet it was permitted as a matter of policy; and custom, in process of time, assumed the dignity of common law.

When the Declaration of Independence was promulgated, its precepts struck at the root of human bondage in every form; and efforts were made, in several States, to eradicate the institution, sometimes in the form of propositions for immediate, and at others for gradual, emancipation. It had been expelled from England by the decision of Lord Mansfield, just before the kindling of the American Revolution; and the most enlightened men in the colonies, regarding it with great disfavor, attempts were made, from time to time, to limit it.

2 Note 6, page 105.

3

Page 41.

1 Page 77. This decision was in the case of James Somerset, a native of Africa, who was carried to Virginia, and sold as a slave, taken to England by his master, and there induced to assert his freedom. The first case of a similar nature on record in England, was in 1697, when it was held that negroes "being usually bought and sold among merchants, as merchandise, and also being infidels, there might be a property in them sufficient to maintain trover." This position was overruled by Chief Justice Holt, who decided that "so soon as a negro lands in England, he is free." To this decision Cowper alludes, when he says, "Slaves can not breathe in England." In 1702, Justice Holt also decided that there is no such thing as a slave by the law of England." In 1729, an opinion was obtained, that "negroes legally enslaved elsewhere might be held as slaves in England, and that baptism was no bar to the master's claim." This was held as good law until Mansfield's decision. above mentioned.