It would be needless to multiply examples. Suffice it to say that the common consent of all nations has till recently ratified the doctrine that naturalization does not extinguish native allegiance. The soreness created in the United States by the liability of their naturalized citizens to be enrolled as soldiers in a European army was, however, as nothing compared with the irritation caused by the alleged right of English tribunals to try them by native juries, or to make them amenable for acts of hostility towards the English government committed in America. The long-standing antipathy entertained towards the mother country was enhanced by an exercise of jurisdiction which it was not difficult for stump orators to show was intended as a direct attack on the political rights of American citizens, whilst the Irish section of the American population, for reasons still more intelligible, though equally unjust, protested against anything and everything which brought their co-patriots within the reach of the English law. Obeying a pressure which became practically irresistible, and yielding to a current of popular opinion which it would have been most impolitic to oppose, both republicans and democrats joined in demanding a revision of the existing principle of international law; and it is a significant fact that the "platforms" respectively issued at Chicago and New York by the two great parties in the republic, contain clauses specially affirming the principle that a naturalized American citizen acquires the same privileges and the same immunities from foreign interference as if he had been born in the United States. On this side of the Atlantic men also began to inquire into the grounds on which the contested principle reposed, and, viewing the vast change which has been effected in international relations by the greater facilities for intercommunication which now exist, an idea sprung up that it might with propriety be greatly modified. Notes were exchanged between the govern ments of the European powers and that of the United States, proposals for mutual concessions were made, and the ground was, so to speak, cleared for the amicable arrangement of an inconvenient dogma of international law. It is under these circumstances that both houses of the American Congress have thought proper to pass a measure which, in distinct terms, affirms that very principle which, if it is to be established at all, can only be so by the comity of nations. The preamble states that it is necessary for the maintenance of the public peace that the claims of foreign governments to the allegiance of naturalized American citizens should be promptly and finally disavowed; and it is then enacted that any direction or decision of any of the authorities of the United States denying or restricting the right of expatriation is inconsistent with the fundamental principles of the American government, and therefore void. A second clause declares that all naturalized citizens are entitled to the same protection from the government as those who are native born. A third clause provided that if any citizen was detained by a foreign government, on the allegation that naturalization did not dissolve his native allegiance, the President should be empowered to arrest any subject of such power in the United States; but it was subsequently struck out. Now, it is perfectly needless to point out that no state has authority to legislate for another, and that this measure, so far as it affects to tie up the hands of foreign governments, or restrict the powers exercised by foreign judges, is absolutely void. But, knowing this, as both houses of Congress must have done, it is impossible to conceive how they could have been so blinded by the desire of conciliating the mob as to pass a bill which must have the effect of delaying that settlement of an important question which every one in Europe is desirous of seeing completed. Such a law, however inoperative, must give umbrage to foreign states, whilst on the other hand it has no redeeming merit. Great allowance must be made for American politicians on the eve of a presidential election; but, then, they on their part should have some respect for the susceptibilities of states which, though not republics, at all events claim to be considered independent. Mr. Moran to Mr. Seward. No. 84.] LEGATION OF THE UNITED STATES, London, August 1, 1868. SIR: Parliament was prorogued yesterday afternoon until the 8th day of October next, and I now have the honor to inclose a printed copy of the Queen's speech, delivered to both houses by the lords commissioners, on the occasion. One of the most important domestic announcements in the speech is that which relates to the present state of Ireland. This prorogation is virtually a dissolution of the present Parliament. For some time past political meetings have been held throughout the three kingdoms, and candidates brought forward for nomination to the next Parliament under the new reform bill, and ere long the country will be in a state of excitement incident to a general election under an untried condition of things. What is regarded as the unofficial season has fairly begun. It is announced that the Queen will leave England next Wednesday, on a visit to Switzerland, not to return until about the 1st of September. Lord Stanley will accompany her Majesty, and there will be a general dispersion of cabinet ministers, as is usual at this period of the year. Indeed, what with this proceeding on the part of high officials, and the necessity on the part of the members of the House of Commons to give their personal attention to their re-election, there is a prospect of an unusually dull official autumn in London. As bearing upon the present state of the relations between the two countries, I have the honor to forward a report of some remarks made by the prime minister at the late dinner given to her Majesty's ministers at the Mansion House, as printed in the Times of the 30th ultimo. And I would call your attention to the resolution passed yesterday by the House of Commons, and reported in the Times of this morning, accepting from the Congress of the United States a copy of the work entitled "Tributes of the Nations to Abraham Lincoln." I have the honor to be, sir, your obedient servant, Hon. WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Secretary of State, Washington, D. C. BENJAMIN MORAN. Her Majesty's most gracious speech, delivered by the lords commissioners to both houses of Parliament, on Friday, July 31, 1868. MY LORDS AND GENTLEMEN: I am happy to be enabled to release you from your labors, and to offer you my acknowledgments for the diligence with which you have applied yourselves to your parliamentary duties. My relations with foreign powers remain friendly and satisfactory. I have no reason to apprehend that Europe will be exposed to the calamity of war, and my policy will continue to be directed to secure the blessings of peace. I announced to you at the beginning of this session that I had directed an expedition to be sent to Abyssinia to liberate my envoy, and others of my subjects, detained by the ruler of that country in an unjust captivity. I feel sure that you will share in my satisfaction at the complete success which has attended that expedition, After a march of 400 miles, through a difficult and unexplored country, my troops took the strong place of Magdala, freed the captives, and vindicated the honor of my crown; and by their immediate return, without one act of oppression or needless violence, proved that the expedition had been undertaken only in obedience to the claims of humanity, and in fulfillment of the highest duties of my sovereignty. The cessation of the long-continued efforts to promote rebellion in Ireland has for some time rendered unnecessary the exercise by the executive of exceptional powers. I rejoice to learn that no person is now detained under the provisions of the act for the suspension of the habeas corpus, and that no prisoner awaits trial in Ireland for an offense connected with the Fenian conspiracy. GENTLEMEN OF THE HOUSE OF COMMONS: I have to thank you for the liberal supplies which you have voted for the public service. MY LORDS AND GENTLEMEN: I have had much satisfaction in giving my assent to a series of measures completing the great work of the amendment of the representation of the people in Parliament, which has engaged your attention for two sessions. I have seen with satisfaction that the time necessarily occupied by this comprehensive subject has not prevented you dealing with other questions of great public interest, and I have gladly given my sanction to bills for the better government of public schools, the regulation of railways, the amendment of the law relating to British sea fisheries, and for the acquisition and maintenance of electric telegraphs by the postmaster general; and to several important measures having for their object the improvement of the law, and of the civil and criminal procedures in Scotland. By the appointment of a comptroller-in-chief in the war office a considerable reform in army administration has been commenced, which, by combining at home and abroad the various departments of military supply under one authority, will conduce to greater economy and efficiency both in peace and war. It is my intention to dissolve the present Parliament at the earliest day that will enable my people to reap the benefit of the extended system of representation which the wisdom of Parliament has provided for them. I look with entire confidence to their proving themselves worthy of the high privilege with which they have thus been invested; and I trust that, under the blessing of Divine Providence, the expression of the opinion on those great questions of public policy which have occupied the attention of Parliament and remain undecided, may tend to maintain unimpaired that civil and religious freedom which has been secured to all my subjects by the institutions and settlement of my realm. Then a commission for proroguing the Parliament was read, after which the lord chancellor said: MY LORDS AND GENTLEMEN: By virtue of her Majesty's commission, under the great seal, to us and other lords directed, and now read, we do, in her Majesty's name, and in obedience to her commands, prorogue this Parliament to Thursday, the 8th day of October next, to be then here holden; and this Parliament is accordingly prorogued to Thursday, the 8th day of October next. [From the London Times, July 30, 1868.] Extract from Mr. Disraeli's speech. In other respects, my lord mayor, I do not think that this country has any cause of complaint. If we look to our foreign relations, we see no cause for anxiety. Indeed, there is little to be said upon that subject; and the external relations of England are never in a securer or more salutary state than when there is very little to be said upon them. [Cheers.] At the present moment we have no controversy of any kind with any European power, [cheer;] and with regard to those subjects of misunderstanding which have been so much exaggerated and so much dwelt upon by our transatlantic brethren, every week, I may say every day, brings us to a better understanding upon all those questions; and I am sure their solution, which I believe is near at hand, in every respect is only what may be expected from the mutual good sense and good feeling of two great and kindred nations. [Loud cheers.] [From the London Times, August 1, 1868.] THE ASSASSINATION OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN. HOUSE OF COMMONS, Friday, July 31. The speaker communicated to the house a resolution of the United States Congress acknowledging the expression of generous sympathy, on the part of the house, at the assassination of President Lincoln and the attempted assassination of Mr. Secretary Seward. Lord Stanley moved the following resolution: "That this house has great satisfaction in accepting the volume transinitted to it in pursuance of the resolution passed by the Congress of the United States; that they desire that the said volume be placed in their library, and that a copy of this resolution be transmitted to Mr. Secretary Seward for presentation to Congress." The resolution was agreed to. Mr. Moran to Mr. Seward. [Extract.] No. 88.] LEGATION OF THE UNITED STATES, London, August 4, 1868. SIR: On Sunday last, the 2d instant, I received a note from General J. Watson Webb, the United States minister at Rio, a copy of which I have the honor to inclose, and yesterday I sent you by the cable the message, almost word for word, which he requests me in that letter to transmit to you. I have the honor to be, sir, your obedient servant, Hon. WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Secretary of State, Washington, D. C. BENJAMIN MORAN. Mr. Webb to Mr. Moran. [Extract.] LEGATION OF THE UNITED STATES, MY DEAR MORAN: I do not know whom I address in the inclosed, as I am told Mr. Adams has gone home; but I beg there may be no delay in forwarding the telegram. My orders are precise, to demand my passports and come home, if our steamer is not permitted to pass; and I have reason to believe that the conduct of Caxias in stopping her will be approved. Of course, on receiving my telegram our government will begin preparations to force the passage of the allied lines, and will probably communicate with me through your legation. # Your friend, * BENJAMIN MORAN, Esq., &c., &c., &c. J. WATSON WEBL. RIO, July 8, 1868. The steamer Wasp has been refused permission to pass the allied lines for Mr. Washburn and family. I have demanded the censure of Caxias, and permission for the Wasp to pass. If refused, will, as instructed, demand my passports. J. WATSON WEBB.. To the legation of the United States in London: I have the honor to request that the foregoing may be telegraphed to the Secretary of State of the United States at your earliest convenience. Doubtless by the freight line of steamers to Liverpool, on the 15th, I'll send our government further information through the legation at London. With great respect, &c., J. WATSON WEBB, Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary from the United States to Brazil. Mr. Moran to Mr. Seward. No. 89.] LEGATION OF THE UNITED STATES, SIR: I had the honor some time since to receive from the department the 12 cases containing 357 copies of the work entitled "Tributes of the Nations to Abraham Lincoln," referred to in your dispatch No. 8, of the 2d of June, together with the letters from yourself intended to be delivered with them. Seeing from the size of the volumes that it would be necessary to send many of them by rail to their destinations in different parts of the three kingdoms, I drew up a brief circular which I caused to be addressed to the individuals and corporations for whom your letters and the books were intended, stating to each when and by what channel the volume would be sent, and saying that the replies to your notes might be committed to me for transmission to Washington. I now have the honor to forward herewith all the acknowledgments received up to this time, together with a list of the same, and a copy of the circular which I sent out with your letters. These constitute about one-sixth of all that may be expected. The remainder shall be sent forward as rapidly as they come to hand. I have the honor to be, sir, your obedient servant, Hon. WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Secretary of State, Washington, D. C. List of acknowledgments of receipts of "Tributes of Nations to Abraham Lincoln.” Municipal council, Burntisland. Herald and West Coast Advertiser, Ardrossau. Municipal council, Warwick. Town commissioners, Hartlepool, (2 notes.) Chamber of Commerce, Guernsey. Newmilus Anti-slavery Society, (2 notes.) American Chamber of Commerce, Liverpool. Municipal council, Gloucester. Municipal council, Cardigan, (2 notes.) Inhabitants of Wolverhampton, (2 notes.) Editors of Spectator, London. Commissioners of supply, Elgin. Inhabitants of Belfast. Sons of Temperance, Manchester. Members of the Merchants' House, Glasgow. Municipal council, Bridgeworth. Chamber of Commerce, Sheffield. The Earl of Derby. Chamber of Commerce, Hull. Inhabitants of Ipswich. Local Board of Health, Heckmondwike. Wesleyan ministers, Belfast. Municipal council, Rothsay, Municipal council, Pollockshaws. Committee of deputies of the British Jews, (2 notes.) Municipal council, Liverpool. Financial Reform Association, Liverpool. Municipal council, Ashton-under-lyne. Stowbridge Union. Editor of the Leeds Mercury. Inhabitants of Leeds. Municipal council, Grantham. Municipal council, Dewsbury. Inhabitants of Cardiff. Municipal council, Stockton-on-Tees. Inhabitants of Brighton. Municipal council, Scarborough. Cutlers' Company, Sheffield. Municipal council, Doncaster. Salt Chamber of Commerce, Northwich. Inhabitants of Bournemouth, (2 notes.) Editor of Evening Standard, London. Vestry of the Parish of St. Luke, Chelsea. Editors of Daily Telegraph, London, (2 notes.) American residents, Dundee. Lord Stratford de Radcliffe. Temple Discussion Forum. Editor of Daily News, London, Vicar and St. Martin-in-the-Fields, London Bank of England, London. Editor of the Times, London. Editor of Morning Star, London. |