unhappy Beings, whom the concurrent Laws of Christendom have not yet been able to preserve from the rapacity of the Slave Merchant. It might be observed, that your argument would equally affect the prac tice of search under any circumstances; the search for contraband of War, no less than the search for Negroes. The fact is, that whatever rights are claimed as belonging to a state of War, must stand on their own grounds. They can neither be strengthened nor invalidated by concessions made under different circumstances, and adapted to other ends. If this objection had not assumed the form of a principle, but were merely derived from an apprehension that abuses might eventually prevail in the practice of searching Vessels at sea, it would not, perhaps, have been difficult to suggest limitations sufficient to guard against such a contingency. By contracting the range, and particularly the period, of its operation, the measure in question might have been submitted to the test of experience, without involving the risk of any serious inconvenience. The most sanguine imagination could hardly expect that an evil so vast, so deeply rooted as the traffick in Slaves, could be completely subdued without considerable sacrifices, as well as the most strenuous and unremitting exertions. It is more particularly under this view of the case, that I proceed to notice the very pointed repugnance which you have expressed to a Clause in the Slave-trade Convention between Great Britain and The Netherlands, extending the right of visit to Vessels under convoy of a National Ship. If this concession were really so objectionable as it has appeared to the American Government, it should at least be remembered that it bears upon both the Powers which are Parties to the Treaty; and, whatever sacrifice of feeling or of interest may be incurred by the arrangement, that Party whose Fleets are the most numerous, whose trade is the most extensive, can hardly be considered as having less than an equal share of the burthen. Supposing, again, that The United States, as I infer from your remarks, are wholly foreign to those motives, whatever they may be, which prevailed upon the Courts of London and Brussels to adopt the above-mentioned Clause, it is clear that the omission of a stipulation, in that case superfluous, could not have affected the general scheme of co-operation proposed by the British to the American Government, I am convinced, Sir, that you did not mean to represent this point as a paramount objection to the whole. In the course of our frequent Communications on this important subject, I have never proposed an unlimited accession to the Engagements contracted by His Majesty with Spain, Portugal, or The Netherlands, and amicably communicated to the American Government, as the only form of Convention into which His Majesty was willing to enter with The United States. However satisfactory those Engage ments appeared to His Majesty, modifications calculated to remove such impediments as arose from the peculiar views and institutions of this Country, were anxiously solicited; and when it was finally ascertained that the objections of the American Cabinet, extending as they still do, over the whole body of the existing Conventions, remained in its opinion insuperable, I did myself the honour to request information at your hands of any other plan of concert, equally efficient, which the American Government might feel themselves at liberty to suggest. This last appeal was made in full reliance on the firm and unvarying determination of the Government to continue their best exertions for the suppression of the Slave-trade. With respect to the comparative efficiency of the measures proposed on either side, you may rest assured, Sir, that His Majesty's Ministers will be the first to rejoice whenever experience shall confirm the advantages which you ascribe to those of your own Government. To root out the common evil is their sole object in this business; and if they are unable to regard the expedient of instructing the respective Cruizers on the African Coast to act in concert, as a complete substitute for the mutual right of search, the reasons of that impression are by no means difficult to conceive. It is notorious that during the late War, when Great Britain exercised the belligerent right of search, the Slave-trade was rapidly diminished; and that since she has ceased to possess that advantage, it has proportionably revived. It would, perhaps, be unfair to attribute these effects exclusively to the right of visit. But when every allowance is made for the change of authority, which several of the West India Colonies have successively undergone; there can be no question that during the late Wars, the Slave-trader was mainly deterred from his nefarious pursuits, by knowing that no 'Flag which he might hoist could secure him from the detection of a belligerent Cruizer. It would be idle to depreciate the importance which you attach to the universal adoption of this practice, as requisite for its complete success; but in order to become universal, it must first be gradually embraced, and its efficiency, no doubt, will prove commensurate with its progress. Its first effect is to double the powers of every Cruizer commissioned by the respective Parties to act against the Slave-trade; an agreement to that purport between Great Britain and The United States, would give to every British and every American Cruizer the same means of counteracting that odious Traffick, which, under a system of common Instructions, can only be exercised by 2 Ships of either Flag, when sailing in company. Supposing even that all the Maritime Powers, acceding to the proposal of The United States, were to send out their Squadrons against the Slave-trade, there would clearly be room for evasion, so long as the Flag of each State could serve as a protective from the Cruizers of the rest. It cannot be denied, that, in legal theory, the Flag of the smallest Power might cover the illicit conveyance of Slaves; but where the property concerned does not belong to a Subject of that Power, but of one which is a Party to the proposed Convention, the Flag thus fraudulently used, could afford it no protection, nor could the State, whose Colours were thus unwarrantably prostituted, conceive itself entitled to interfere. It cannot be meant to deny, that the presence of the American Squadron on the Coast of Africa has been productive of much good; nor would it be just to withhold from its Commanders that tribute of praise, which their laudable and zealous activity appears to have deserved. But, without inquiring into the number of Cruizers, which The United States may find it convenient to employ on that Service, or adverting to the natural circumstances which may interfere with their constant attendance on the Slave Coast, it must be remembered, that the object of the British Government is to combine a general and complete system for the extinction of an evil, which, as yet, the Laws have in vain condemned. It is with reference to this expanded view, that the respective Proposals must be finally considered. Partial measures may have the effect of reaching some particular mode of evasion, and may doubtless be attended with temporary benefit; but it is only to a full and com. prehensive system, depriving the fraudulent Trader of every resource, that the World can look for a perfect cessation of the mischief. In accord with the friendly sentiments which you have declared, I cannot dismiss this subject, without assuring you of my earnest desire to assist in rendering justice to the intentions and suggestions of the American Government, no less than to remove every appearance of obscurity or misconstruction from those of my own. I beg, Sir, you will accept the assurances, &c. The Hon. J. Q. Adams. STRATFORD CANNING. DENMARK. No. 72. (A.)-The Marquess of Londonderry to H. U. Addington, Esq. SIR, Foreign Office, 26th March, 1822. Ir being stated in a Memorandum, lately delivered in by M. de Caraman, French Chargé d'Affaires at this Court, an Extract of which is herewith inclosed to you, that, according to the accounts which the French Government receive from their Authorities in the West Indies, facilities are afforded in the Danish Island of St. Thomas, to the carrying on of the Slave-trade under the French Flag, contrary to the Decrees of His Most Christian Majesty and the Laws of France, by the fabrication of false Papers, with the counterfeit Signatures of the French Governors of Guadaloupe and Martinique; I have received the King's Commands to request that you will bring this statement to the know. ledge of the Danish Government, which will, I am sure, be sufficient to induce them immediately to send directions for making strict inquiries in their Island above-mentioned, as to the practices herein imputed, accompanied with such Orders to their Authorities as shall effectually put a stop to them, should they exist, and prevent their recurrence. The Danish Government is so well aware of His Majesty's sincere anxiety on this subject, and has so fully co-operated in the measures adopted by that of His Majesty for the extinction of this detestable Traffick, that we address them in this instance with the perfect confidence of obtaining the desired result. I am, &c. H. U. Addington, Esq. LONDONDERRY. Memorandum.-Dispatches having a similar object to the above, have been addressed to His Majesty's Representatives in Sweden and Holland, with respect to the Islands of St. Bartholomew and St. Eustatius, 89. Viscount Sidmouth to the British Comm.. Foreign Office....30th Oct. 124 90. The Marquess of Londonderry to the British Commissioners.... .Foreign Office.... 20th Nov. 125. 7th Mar. 133 97. H. T. Kilbee, Esq. to William Hamilton, Esq..Havannah. ....... 10th Jan. 13 98. H. T. Kilbee, Esq. to William Hamilton, Esq..Havannah....... 99. H. T. Kilbee, Esq. to William Hamilton, Esq..Havannah. 100. H. T. Kilbee, Esq. to William Hamilton, Esq. Havannah. 101. Messsrs. Kilbee and Jameson to Viscount Castlereagh... ...... 9th April 134 2d May 135 ........Havannah....... 8th June 136. 102. Messrs. Kilbee and Jameson to Viscount Castlereagh..... Havannah....... 8th June 136 ..10th June 137 7th July 138 103. H. T. Kilbee, Esq. to William Hamilton, Esq. Havannah. 104. H. T. Kilbee, Esq. to William Hamilton, Esq.Havannah. 105. H. T. Kilbee, Esq. to William Hamilton, Esq.Havannah.......... 7th July 139 106. H. T. Kilbee, Esq. to the Earl of Clanwilliam. Havannah................. 4th Aug. 139 107. H. T. Kilbee, Esq. to William Hamilton, Esq. Havannah. .28th Aug. 139 108. H. T. Kilbee, Esq. to William Hamilton, Esq.Havannah. .................28th Aug. 140 ....... |