the party, and of President Harrison's cabinet, had prevailed. The President himself was, to the knowledge of the editor, positively opposed to this general proscription. Whether he would have finally yielded to the pressure which he painfully sustained for a month, cannot now be known; for the hand of an All-Wise Being relieved him from his great anxiety, by calling him to another and a better world, which destroyed the nefarious measures of his cabinet, and their friends. This alone saved the mandate from being carried out to its full and contemplated extent, of thrusting instanter from office all who were denounced as having in their veins a sprinkling of democratic blood; thus carrying out a principle laid down by Mr. Adams, never to trust a vulgar democrat to any office of responsibility or patronage; for the reason, as he once wrote, that "if a family which has been high in office and splendid in wealth, falls into decay from profligacy, folly, vice, or misfortune, they generally turn democrats, and court the lowest of the people with an ardour, an art, a skill, and consequently with a success, which no vulgar democrat can attain." (See Appendix.) Mr. Adams in carrying out this principle, that no democrat should be trusted with office, thrust from an exalted and important station, a near connexion of the editor, whose only fault was in being an honest, upright republican of

the Jeffersonian school. Mr. Jefferson, on coming into power, caused him to be reinstated.

It appears, throughout Mr. Adams's administration, that his imagination was disturbed by the goblin of Democracy. The same uneasy ambition which characterized him in public, pursued him even to his retreat. Envy and jealousy seemed to have burned in his bosom, and he conceived the Herculean project of prostrating the reputation of Mr. Jefferson, and of raising himself and his family on the ruins of democracy. Yet, amid all this confusion and war of elements, Mr. Jefferson stood, like Atlas, upon a broad and immoveable basis, with his head in clear sunshine, above the lowering clouds. The principles of the Constitution went into complete and harmonious operation, and the resources of the country were developed, to the credit of this country, and to the admiration of the whole Christian world.

The people flocked to the republican standard, and the result of the second election of Mr. Jefferson demonstrated, that pure republican principles had taken deep root in their affection. They could not be overthrown.

By retirement after the revolution Mr. Adams might have preserved a rank in that luminous galaxy of heroes and statesmen who so gallantly achieved our independence; but his ambitious mind sought

eagerly for POWER-he obtained it; his abuse of it, under the advice of intriguing political aspirants, caused his downfall, like other ambitious leaders who have risen, flourished, and fallen-proving that this inordinate and unprincipled thirst for POWER in a republic on the part of a "few at the expense of the many," has always been the inveterate bane of liberty-the semen dissolutionis of political communities. That although men are, by nature, free and equal, yet, there is among them, a perpetual tendency to inequality. Society is constantly diverging into the extremes of affluence and power on the one hand, and penury and weakness on the other. The history of nations is little else than the history of individuals, the existence and prosperity of the one depending in a measure upon the purity, patriotism, and public spirit of the other.

By a constant recurrence to first principles, and an unceasing inspection and scrutiny into the conduct and characters of our distinguished men, we may hope still to preserve our rights, and perpetuate them to all future generations. However elevated his rank, powerful his connexions, or unlimited his hold upon the estimation and confidence of his countrymen, we shall not shrink from summoning the delinquent to that tribunal, from which there is no appeal to the tribunal of PUBLIC OPINION.

THE EDITOR.

HISTORY

OF

THE ADMINISTRATION

OF

JOHN ADAMS.

CHAPTER I.

Introductory Remarks-Biography of Mr. Adams-Review of his Political Tenets-Causes of his Election.

THE United States of America enjoyed, under the administration of the illustrious Washington, all those advantages which result from the prudent policy of a virtuous magistrate. The peaceful system which he pursued, repaired, in a great measure, the injuries sustained by a long and expensive civil war. His interests and passions were the same as those of the people, and a constant communication of good offices kept alive their attachments. During the first four years of the present confederacy, the second station of executive public employment, and all of the third grade, remained in the same hands; nor did any changes take place in the more subordinate, but from voluntary resignation and death. The public debt decreased in a much greater proportion than ever was known to take place in the same period in any nation of the world -the expenses of government were also much less, in proportion to wealth and numbers, than those of any kingdom in Europe. Affairs remained in this prosperous state until the conclusion of Jay's treaty, which the growing propensity for commerce and interest had effected. Then, for the first time, those generous maxims of liberty which had established our

independence, were observed to suffer-our towns and villages were immediately stocked with British agents, Nova Scotian tories, and French royalists-the epithet of royalist became a distinction more powerful than merit, and the name of republican the most odious of titles. The voluntary resignation of Washington, who probably perceived the disorders which were to follow, and the election of a monarchical president, gave a four years triumph to this hydra of despotism. Before I relate the tyranny and corruption which disfigured this period, it may not be improper to give a short account of the life of Mr. Adams, his political tenets, and the incidents attending his election. This will form the design of the present chapter.

John Adams was born at Braintree, in Massachusetts, the 19th day of October, 1735. General report states his father to have been a shoemaker, and the descendant of a Scottish family, who emigrated to Massachusetts Bay about 1650. Young Adams is also said to have prosecuted, for several years, the same business; until, by the advice of his uncle, who was a village schoolmaster, he applied himself to the study of letters, and relinquished the occupation of Crispin. In the year 1755, he taught a school near Braintree, and continued in this sphere of life for several years. At what period he commenced the study of law is uncertain-we only know that on the 5th of March, 1770, he advocated the cause of monarchy at Boston, in the case of Captain Preston, who barbarously put to death several citizens of that town. Doctor Morse, in a short biography which he has given of Mr. Adams, has the following particulars respecting this trial. "The cause of Captain Preston was most unpopular. The whole town had been in a state of irritation on account of the conduct of Governor Hutchinson and the troops which were stationed in it-their resentment now burst into a flame-but he felt the cause to be a just one; and the danger of incurring the displeasure of his countrymen could not deter him from undertaking it. He conducted the cause with great address, by keeping off the trial till the passions of the people had time to subside. The trial at length commenced, and lasted several days, during which, he displayed the most extensive knowledge of the laws of his country and of humanity; and, at the conclusion, he had the satisfaction of proving to Great Britain herself, that the citizens of Massachusetts would be