great. In a word, our piety and political safety are so blended, that to refuse our labor in this divine work, is to refuse to be a great, a free, a pious and a happy people.”*

When the minds of the people seemed to be sufficiently prepared to receive the novel idea of independence of the British Crown, the colonial assemblies began to move in the matter. North Carolina was the first to take the bold, progressive step. On the twenty-second of April, 1776, the convention of North Carolina empowered their delegates in the General Congress "to concur with those in the other colonies in declaring independence."

On the tenth of May, the general assembly of Massachusetts requested the people of that colony, at the then approaching election of new representatives, to give them instructions on the subject of independence.

On

the twenty-third of May, the people of Boston, pursuant to this request, instructed their representatives to use their best endeavors to have their delegates in Congress

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advised, that in case Congress should think it necessary, for the safety of the united colonies, to declare themselves independent of Great Britain, the inhabitants of that colony, with their lives, and the remnants of their fortunes, would. most cheerfully support them in the measure."

On the seventeenth of May, the convention of Virginia unanimously resolved, "that the delegates appointed to represent this colony in the General Congress, be instructed to propose to that respectable body to declare the united colonies free and independent states, absolved

* In the charge, from which we make this extract, Chief Justice Drayton ably descanted upon the various oppressive acts of the British Government, and drew admirable parallels between the causes which led to the revolution in England in 1688, and those which caused the revolution in America then in progress. He placed James II. on one side, and George III. on the other, and showed clearly that the acts of the latter were more criminal than those of the former.

Bradford, vol. ii., p.104.

from all allegiance to, or dependence upon, the Crown or Parliament of Great Britain; and to support whatever measures may be thought proper and necessary by the Congress for forming foreign alliances, and a confederation of the colonies, at such time, and in such manner, as to them may seem best-provided, that the power of forming governments for, and the regulation of the internal concern of each colony, be left to the respective colonial legislatures."*

The assembly of Rhode Island, during its session in May, directed the oath of allegiance, thereafter, to be taken to the colony, instead of to the King of Great Britain. They also instructed their delegates to join with the other colonies "upon the most proper measures for promoting and confirming the strictest union and confederation, between the colonies, for exerting their whole. strength and force to annoy the common enemy, and to secure to the said colonies their rights and liberties, both civil and religious; whether by entering into treaties with any prince, state, or potentate; or by such other prudent and effectual ways and means as should be devised and agreed upon; and in conjunction with the delegates from the united colonies, to enter upon, and attempt, all such measures, taking the greatest care to secure to this colony, in the most perfect manner, its present forms, and all the power of government, so far as relates to its internal police, and conduct of affairs, civil and religious."

On the eighth of June, the delegates from New York wrote to the convention of that colony, asking their advice on the question of independence, then agitated in Congress. The convention did not feel themselves authorized

* After the adoption of this resolution, the convention proceeded to the establishment of a regular independent government, a course which Congress shortly afterward recommended to all the states.

Records of the assembly of Rhode Island.

to advise their delegates to declare that colony independent, but recommended, by resolution, that the people, who were about to elect new representatives, should give instructions on the subject.*.

On the fourteenth of June, a special assembly was called in Connecticut, and a resolution was adopted, by a unanimous vote, instructing the delegates of that colony, in the General Congress, to “ give their assent to a declaration of independence, and to unite in measures for forming foreign alliances, and promoting a plan of union among the colonies.”+

On the fifteenth of June, the representatives of New Hampshire unanimously instructed their delegates to join the other colonies in this question.‡

On the twenty-first of the same month, new delegates to the Continental Congress were elected by the convention of New Jersey, and they were instructed, "in case they judged it necessary and expedient for supporting the just rights of America, to join in declaring the united colonies independent, and entering into a confederation for union and defence."

The assembly of Pennsylvania, held in June, removed the restrictions laid upon their delegates by instructions in November preceding; but they neither instructed them, nor gave them leave, to concur with the other colonies in a declaration of independence. The convention of Maryland positively forbade, by a resolution passed about the last of May, their delegates voting for independence. Georgia and Delaware left their representatives free to act without any instructions or restrictions.

* Records of the convention of New York.

†The convention of that special session issued a proclamation, in which it was recommended "to all persons of every rank and denomination to furnish themselves, with all possible expedition, with good sufficient fire-arms, and other warlike accoutrements."

Pitkin, vol. i., p. 363,

In the meanwhile, the General Congress was busy in preparing the way for a declaration of absolute independence of the British Crown. On the tenth of May, 1776, that body adopted a resolution recommending to the assemblies and colonies, where no sufficient govern*ment had been established, "to adopt such government as should, in the opinion of the representatives of the people, best conduce to the happiness and safety of their constituents in particular, and America in general." In the preamble to this resolution, Congress declared it to be “irreconcilable to reason and good conscience for the colonists to take the oaths required for the support of the government under the Crown of Great Britain." They also declared it necessary that all royal power should be suppressed, and “all the powers of government exerted under the authority of the people of the colonies, for the preservation of internal peace, virtue, and good order, as well as for the defence of their lives, liberties, and properties, against the hostile invasions and cruel depredations of their enemies." This was a bold and vigorous stride toward a declaration of independence.

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While a majority of the members of the Congress were yearning, with anxious and irrepressible zeal, for the consummation of an event which they felt must inevitably occur—and all eyes were turned with earnest gaze upon that august assembly as the organ that should proclaim liberty to the land, and to the inhabitants thereof," there seemed to be no one courageous enough to step forth and take the awful responsibility of lifting the knife that should sever the cord that bound the American colonies to the British throne. It was very properly apprehended, that the person who should first propose to declare the colonies independent, would be specially marked by the royal government as an arch rebel, and that no effort would be spared to quench his spirit or bring his per

son to the scaffold. In that dark hour of hesitation and fearful dread, Richard Henry Lee, of Virginia, assumed the perilous responsibility of presenting to Congress a proposition to dissolve all political connection with Great Britain. The assembly of Virginia, as we have already seen, had instructed its delegates to propose a declaration of independence; and, as soon as the instructions arrived, the Virginia delegation appointed Mr. Lee to move a resolution conformably to it. Accordingly, on the seventh of June, Mr. Lee moved the resolution, (among others,) "That these united colonies are, and of right ought to be, free and independent states; and that all political connection between them and the state of Great Britain is, and ought to be, totally dissolved." * The consideration of the resolutions was deferred until the next morning.

On the eighth, Congress discussed the resolutions in committee of the whole house, and finally deferred the farther consideration of them until Monday, the tenth. On that day it was "Resolved, That the consideration of the first resolution [motion for independence] be postponed to the first Monday in July next, and, in the meanwhile, that no time be lost, in case the Congress agree thereto, a committee be appointed to prepare a declaration, to the effect of the first resolution, which is in these words, to wit: That these united colonies are, and of right ought to be, free and independent states; that they are absolved

* Congress being of opinion that the member who made the first motion on the subject of independence would certainly be exposed to personal and imminent danger, directed its Secretary to omit the name of the mover. Accordingly, in the journal of Friday, June 7th, it is thus stated: "Certain resolutions respecting independence being moved and seconded, it was resolved, that the consideration of them be deferred until to-morrow morning; and that the members be enjoined to attend punctually at ten o'clock, in order to take the same into their consideration." The name, neither of him who moved the resolutions, nor of him who seconded them, was mentioned. Richard Henry Lee was the mover, and John Adams seconded them.-See Life of Richard Henry Lee, by his grandson, vol. i., p.