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more of native inhabitants, when reduced to forced labor, were all speedily exterminated. From the highest numbers, whatever those may have been, only sixty thousand were left in the short space of fifteen years, and in forty years no more than two hundred of the original inhabitants remained. When their places were filled, from time to time, by millions more of other Indians and hardier sons of Africa, even these stubborn races gave way, and for two centuries the climate appears to have been most destructive to the vitality of the human race, drawn from whatever quarter of the globe.

The experiments made within the last five years show that of some hundreds of men hired to go and work on Santo Domingo plantations nearly all were stricken down by disease, and few lived to return. The woeful mortality which followed more than four hundred freedmen, an enterprise for a time in charge of the Senator from Kansas, [Mr. POMEROY,] landed at Isle à Vache, Hayti, and from which our Government had to rescue the survivors at great expense and scandal, is too notorious to be disputed.

Mr. POMEROY. As there can be no discussion on this subject after the Senator concludes, I hope he will not connect me with any such scheme as that. I had no more to do with it than a dead man.

Mr. MORRILL, of Vermont. The Senator from Kansas had charge of the $500,000 raised for the purpore of colonizing some freedmen.

Mr. POMEROY. But I say, as to those who went to Hayti, I had no more to do with it than a dead man, and protested against them all the time.

Mr. MORRILL, of Vermont. It was not my purpose to impute any blame to the Sen

ator.

One chapter of the historian, Alison, I think I have shown to be a chapter of blunders, and I shall now turn over another leaf and quote from a passage on the West India islands, where he is sustained by all standard authorities, and where he is most probably entirely right. He says:

"It is a land of slavery and pestilence, where indolence dissolves the manly character and stripes can alone arouse the languid arm; where death bestrides the evening gale, and the yielding breath inhales poison with its delight; where the iron race of Japhet itself seems melting away under the prodigality of the gifts of nature.

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This is the salubrity to which we are so earnestly invited! It appears to me the less we have of it the better.

From the report on commercial relations (Executive Document No. 18) transmitted to the House of Representatives December 5, 1870, by the Secretary of State, I find valuable information communicated by our commercial agent, J. Somers Smith, at Santo Domingo, which fully corroborates the statements already given as to the utter poverty of the resources of the country and its extreme unhealthfulness. The whole document shows that while sugar

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cane is grown it is consumed in its crude state or converted into molasses and rum. Coffee may be grown, but not enough is produced for their own consumption, and it is imported and sold at retail for twenty five cents, gold. Nothing considerable is produced except tobacco. They are dependent on the United States for even potatoes, onions, beets, flour, butter, lard, and cheese. They have some mahogany, but there is no demand for it. I will ask the Secretary to read from the document as I have marked on page 338.

The Chief Clerk read as follows:

"Cotton and cocoa are raised in insignificant quantities. There are no productions from mines in Santo Domingo. The exaggerated accounts published in the United States are gotten up by adventurers who have obtained concessions for nothing and expect to realize profits from the credulity of their fellowcitizens. There is no question that there are indications of copper and gold. as these metals have been found in small quantities, but it is extremely doubtful whether enterprises in search of these hidden riches would be profitable. As a warning to such as may be tempted to embark capital in Dominican mining enterprises, it is proper to state that Mr. Heneken, an English gentleman who resided in this country more than thirty years, was constantly engaged in visiting all parts of the island. He was a member of the Geological Society of London, and employed scientific engineers and Cornish miners, but it proved to be labor lost. He died about five years ago, impoverished and disappointed. The wealth of this country consists in its various cabinet, lignum-vitæ, and dye-woods, and the fertility of its soil, which is capable of producing all tropical plants in abundance; but it languishes in consequence of its constant revolutionary state, and because it has but a small and ignorant population. Efforts have been made at times to introduce a white immigration, but unsuccessfully. Nearly all the immigrants from Europe and the United States fell victims to the climate in a very short time after their arrival. This fact is repeatedly recorded in the ard chives of this consulate. There are no white fieldlaborers in Santo Domingo,"

Mr. MORRILL, of Vermont. I present this report of an authorized agent of our Government, resident of Santo Domingo, and sent to Congress by the Secretary of State, as a very satisfactory document to be read and hung up alongside of the report of our late commissioners; but I must say that I have no idea that our commercial agent, by anticipation, intended to refer to any 66 exaggerated accounts" published by the commission.

BAEZ WANTS THE MORAL FORCE OF GUNS-HIS PEOPLE MAY PREFER THE UNITED STATES TO BAEZ.

But were all other circumstances as favorable to Dominican annexation as they are in fact repugnant to the scheme, there still remains one more vital consideration, namely, do the people of Santo Domingo really desire to sink their independent existence and be permanently stitched to the mere selvage of the United States? Decidedly no! The ruling passion of the people, mainly descendants of Indians and forty different African races, is a hatred of the white race. Smothered it may be for a time, but it is sure sooner or later to crop out. In the Haytien part of the island,

where the same races prevail, white persons are excluded from becoming citizens and from becoming owners of land. They have really sought independence, and have abundant faith in their own autonomy, if they could only keep the Haytiens at bay. The fact is conceded

by the commissioners that they would now prefer independence if they believed that to be possible.

A temporary gust may now blow in favor of the United States; they may want to realize the $600,000 to pay off back salaries; they may fear Baez while he seems to carry already the United States flag; they may yearn for peace so that they will not be conscripted to fight in the army of Baez; they may only echo opinions of leaders to day which they will be ready to change to-morrow; they may expect sudden wealth and not taxation; but it would be a great mistake to suppose that Dominicans have more respect or affection for the United States than they have for France or Spain. From language, religion, and association their inhering partialities must all be in favor of the Latin race and the infallible Catholic church.

In 1848 the present adventurer,__ Baez, attempted to sell out his country to France. In 1861, not to load the recital with other instances, Santana made a transfer of Domingo to Spain, at the time with universal applause. But very soon the people were inspired with other sentiments, and would not submit. Within three years they drove all the Spanish forces out of their territory, and Spain, with enormous losses, once more abandoned Santo Domingo. There is no more reason to suppose the people favor the annexation now proposed than that which they then trampled in the dust of a revolution. The rival chiefs, whose baseness is only equaled by their pride, and whose treachery is surpassed only by their servility, may seek safety, titles, and wealth by such a measure; but the people, whatever they or others may now say or think, will ever stand ready to accept the lead of any patriotic | chief who may hereafter raise, however rudely, the banner of revolt or of independence.

"moral support" of our guns, as our Secretary of the Navy softly calls it, shall be withdrawn, Cabral and his party protest against the validity of the whole transaction, are now in arms successfuly disputing it, and the popular vote seems to have been a poor copy of the very poorest Napoleonism. It is clear that Santo Domingo could only be held by a military and naval force, as it has been held for the past year by our Navy. The masses, however confused and unstable upon other matters, have a || traditional aversion to the rule of any foreign nation, manifested in their public records, and on many bloody fields of battle, which would be sheer blindness to disregard.

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Already evidence is accumulating which accumulating which shows the popular vote, obtained through the enticements of Baez and the moral force of the guns of the United States Navy, to have been a delusive juggle. A vote so swift and so one-sided affords grounds for suspicion,|| especially when the imprisonment of the first negative voter disclosed the compulsatory part of the process. The banishment or imprisonment of those known to be opposed to annexation is also an ugly feature. Cabral, not inferior in cunning nor in popular favor to Baez, declares the popular vote in favor of annexation "a sham. Cabral, and fighting|| men enough to frighten if not to overwhelm Baez, whenever the stars and stripes and the

It should be borne in mind also that the consent of Hayti seems to be as essential to the transfer of territory as that of Santo Domingo itself. Without such consent even now border warfare seems breaking forth from every jungle and which Baez is incompetent to grapple with, but piteously asks the United States for aid to suppress. Cabral and Luperon, and their malcontents, with the aid of the dusky warriors of Hayti, always ready for an unrelenting crusade against the whites, might prove a formidable foe in a desperate climate even to the United States.

It should also be noted that of the 22,212 square miles now claimed by Santo Domingo 1,000 square miles are reported to be held and occupied by Cabral or by Hayti. Did the commissioners penetrate this part of the island? But suppose it were to be admitted that every Dominican, those who have large claims for unpaid salaries and those who expect salaries hereafter, as well as those who hold leases of land in expectation of annexation, was known to be in favor of the measure, would that be any reason why we should be? It might be a very good bargain for them and yet a very bad one for us. Are we to accept of all peoples and tribes who may express a desire for such a union? A patrimony quite ample, if properly husbanded, by such a course would soon be squandered.

Finally, no Dominican can be legally bound by any compact which carries with it territorial sovereignty. Their latest constitution declares that "neither the whole nor any part of the territory shall be alienated." We know, therefore, that not even the conscience of Baez, nor that of any other Dominican, can be in the way of repudiating an act so manifestly illegal and constitutionally indefensible. It will be seen that I place little reliance upon any evidence that the Dominican people are largely in favor of being annexed to the United States. If the assertion be made that fifty or more Americans would be sufficient to mold and shape the destinies of the whole of Santo Domingo, it should be remembered that a greater number of Americans have been hov.

ering in and about the island for more than a year and a half. Doubtless they have not been wholly without influence; but the disinterested government of Baez, whose salary, and that of all his cabinet, legislature, and judiciary, will be likely to remain unpaid unless annexation succeeds, has staked its existence upon the success of the scheme. Hence the anxiety for success, without which they must fight for the doubtful honor of supremacy in the adminis tration of the Government. There is an exigency which requires foreign aid to relieve. That may be the opinion of the entire party of Baez. I do not think the United States Gov. ernment ought to be used for his extrication.

THE PUBLIC VOICE AGAINST THE MEASURE.

it is the first step in a policy of diseased enlargement, which any lover of his country might look upon with the gravest apprehension, there should be some opportunity left for escape.

The annexation of Santo Domingo would be the extension of empire unaccompanied by any addition to the empire of national stability and virtue. Our territory is already enormous, and every map, through constant additions and new explorations, becomes annually antiquated and as useless as a gray-haired almanac. We should build our Republic to last, and not for the show of a single season. When Alexander retreated from India he caused to be made and scattered arms much larger than his men could use, and higher mangers and heaver bits than were suitable for his horses, to impress foreign nations with an exaggerated idea of his greatness. But this trick of the showman is now only remembered as a folly. We shall fail to impress the world by playing the giant abroad and the pigmy at home, or by spreading great American flags abroad while those at home, torn and tattered, fail to command respect and obedience, or by sending our symbols of power where they will be surrounded, not only by a Babylonian confusion of languages, but where we can have no directing and constructive power over the character of the people. To be strong we must have the love of a thoroughly amalgamated people, and something more than mere local patriotism. Real strength does not consist so much in power to conquer the world as in power to resist the world, and even wealth is much less often found by going abroad after new objects than by search at home for and diligent use of such as we already possess. We may also virtually extend our territory by extending our knowledge of that we now have, and cultivating its preseut resources, its natural affinities, and its future possibilities. The glory of a State does not consist merely in the magnitude of its extent, but largely in a fit cor

I have admired the President's inflexible perseverance more than his political sagacity in adhering to the policy of Dominican annexation in the face of undeniable evidence that there was no sentiment in the country of any party or of any State warmly in its favor, because it brings to mind his inflexibility in braver and grander enterprises, and I have no doubt of his patri- | otic motives. The House of Representatives,|| by a vote of nearly two to one, have once pronounced against it. On the 1st of February, 1869, a resolution giving the assent of Congress to the project of annexation was defeated by a vote of 110 against 62. The non-committal amendment to the joint resolution authorizing the expedition to Santo Domingo was a hostile one, and it was carried in the House of Representatives by thirty majority, and I am assured that the naked question of annexation would have been defeated by a still larger majority. In the present House of Represent atives it is likely to receive a more decided rebuff; and yet a vote of the House will be necessary, or the appropriation to carry the measure into effect will fail. The Senate, as we learn from the message, has rejected a treaty of annexation. All this should be counted conclusive as to the unbiased opin-respondence of all its parts and the mutual

ion of the highest legislative bodies of the country, and most likely as fairly reflecting the sentiments of the people. Opinions of any other sort can be put off as cheaply as put on, and it would not be complimentary to the national Legislature to suppose they would act on any other.

The treaty of annexation itself awakened no enthusiasm, and was smothered by cold neglect and by an almost universal silence. So improbable seemed its success that it was not even dignified by denunciation. But upon a measure of so much gravity ought not the people to be heard from before the question is settled forever? Let the people, at least, have time to consider whether they could afford to accept any part or the whole of the island even as a gift; much more, whether they can afford to buy it at any price, or at the cost of war. If

respect and habitual affection of its people.

SANTO DOMINGO AND HER DEBTS GO TOGETHER.

No one can doubt if the late treaty had been ratified, or if annexation should at last succeed, that the United States, having diverted the little remnants of what it is a farce to call the national property of Santo Domingo, having shielded her by absorption from responsibility to other nations as well as to individuals for debts, and having appropriated all her resources from customs duties, would be bound, by international law as well as by honor, to pay all of her outstanding obligations, whatever the amount, however contracted, and under whatever administration. No stipulation between ourselves and Baez to the contrary, if made, would have any more lasting force than that made with Texas, or would bind other parties, or be worth the paper upon which it

might be written. A State or Territory cannot be prosecuted for debt like an individual. The United States itself would resist any such indignity, and would be held to account for the old scores of any territory annexed as surely as the husband, if the wife be indebted before marriage, is bound afterward to pay the debt, having adopted her and her circumstances together; and this Dominican debt nominally amounts to millions, as it has been contracted upon a depreciated credit and a depreciated currency, itself a debt yet to be redeemed. The creditors are widely scattered, and some are citizens of nations who will protect their rights to the last extremity.

Many of these debts may be questionable; but the proof of their validity, supported by interested swearers, would be impregnable. There are many large unsettled war claims which cannot even be estimated. Hayti announces a very large claim, by no means easily to be settled. One administration acknowledges one class of claims and another a different class. Who is to decide? Is it not absurd for the present Dominican Government to give a schedule of their debts, which is reduced by their own illegal and arbitrary edicts from four hundred to one, from sixty to one, from thirty to one, and from one third to one sixth? Will their creditors abide such scaling? It is wholly improbable; and yet it is solely by this process and by omitting all account of interest they have contracted to pay, and which is overdue, that they are able to compress their debt within the prescribed limits of $1,500,000. Instead of $1,500,000 in gold, the whole debt is quite likely to be very much more, how much no one can tell. Ratify such a treaty and the bottom of Dominican claims would not be sounded in the present generation, but a fresh brood of claim agents, like carrion birds, would flock to the Capitol for their prey. Our action in the case of Texas is not likely to be forgotten. The joint resolution in that case, March 1, 1845, roundly and stoutly provided:

That Texas should retain all her public lands, debts, taxes, and dues of every kind, and all vacant and unappropriated lands, to be applied to the payment of the debts and liabilities of said republic of Texas, and the residue of said lands, after discharging said debts and liabilities, to be disposed of as said State may direct, but in no event are said debts and liabilities to become a charge upon the Government of the United States.”

And yet, when the clamorous Slidell and others had become the holders of these claims to a large amount, on the 9th of September, 1855, all claim upon the United States for liability was once more relinquished, and Congress paid to the State of Texas in bonds the sum of $10,000,000; but Texas was not even trusted to pay these greedy creditors herself, as they were adroitly required to give receipts to the United States themselves for not less than $5,000,000, or their share of the job. Is

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there not something like this looming up in Dominica? Will not her creditors say, as Ruth said to Naomi, "Entreat me not to leave thee, or to return from following after thee, for whither thou goest I will go.

THE AMERICAN CHARACTER WORTH PRESERVING.

The people of the United States have some pride as to their character-personal and national-that which they inherited and that which they have made for themselves. They claim that all men were born equal, but they do not claim that all have equally improved the talents given to them by the great Father of all mankind. They claim, and justly, that selfgovernment is the best of all governments; not that all men can or will govern themselves, nor that it can be safely intrusted to the untrained, unlettered people of many other nations. Is Santo Domingo one of the transcendent exceptions? Not at all; and we know that its incorporation under our flag would be the incorporation of an inferior element, designed to invite much larger accessions of the same sort; and as such a precursor it may be encouraged by those who would like nothing so much as to chronicle republican degradation, though themselves not unwilling to be released from such far-off dependencies. Today Great Britain does not regard Gibraltar, Quebec, or Malta as essential to British power. Of what use is Gibraltar as against Russia or Prussia? Great Britain cannot suppose the United States are afraid of Quebec. She is conscious that her North American provinces, though inhabited by a gallant people, could not be held in time of war for a single month as against its more powerful neighbors, and knows equally well that, in like circumstances, she could terminate any hold we might have on Santo Domingo in a much shorter time. Fortified places count very little in the presence of a vigorous enemy. The engineers of destruction nearly always prove more potent than the engineers of defense.

Annexation of any sort, if to be accepted by us-and there is no possible annexation which would not be more profitable to the party annexed than to ourselves-should seek us, and ought not to be bought, conquered, or obtained by any of the common acts of diplomacy. It should come, spotless as a prairie homestead, as a free-will offering of lands, hands, and hearts, and not be too eagerly sought, as though a few acres of the nether regions were indispensable to our paradise. Were all Spain to be offered to us to day on the same terms proposed by Baez for Santo Domingo it would, of course, be instantly declined, and yet its incorporation into our system presents less insuperable objections; the people are much more intelligent; but larger numbers, by magnifying the enormity, only make the ugly features of such a proposition more visible.

The United States should have too much

self-respect to accept of any annexation save such as would add political and moral strength to her free institutions, wisdom to her councils, and buttresses to her Constitution, and cannot afford to favor, nor can President Grant with his grand history afford to favor, the annexation of a people, confessedly inferior to the French, or to the Spanish, or to any other European nationality, whose latest constitution forbids the alienation of their soil, and whose present chief is confessedly too weak to maintain ascendency over his own countrymen except through the standing menace of the flag and guns of the United States Navy. It will touch our honor if it shall turn out that we hold up a chief in order to make or to hold up a treaty. We may even make some of the ancient British acquisitions of Lord Clive and Warren Hastings in India respectable by such a modern indorsement.

I cannot but regard a policy, though it be only the first step in the direction of what may be called tropical annexation, which would tend to make our nation a conglomerate of different habitudes and nationalities, instead of one united, compact whole, as fraught with unmistakable calamities. An empire may be able, through its more despotic rule, for a time to hold discordant peoples in subjection; but make such materials sovereign and equal, as we must-for we accept for ourselves nothing less, crowning all with our fourteenth and fifteenth amendments-and it would be only a question of time as to how soon they would, by introducing extravagance, corruption, local divisions and collisions, wreck the best form of constitutional government ever devised by the wit of man and ruin the fairest hope of the world.

THE WARnings of HISTORY.

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Unfortunately, the life of republics has not been immortal. There is one, however, that has stood unchanged fourteen hundred years amid all surrounding changes; but San Marino | is not only the oldest but the smallest State in Europe, a State that never courted destruction by expansion.

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The lessons of history, I am aware, are litte heeded, and a fast people in a headlong pursuit of material interests often refuse to recognize that they are on the same road marked by || the bleached skeletons of nations wasted or fatally stricken down by the results of a similar mad ambition. Conceding that the despotism which controls an empire may be the best adapted among all governmental institutions for the control of colonies, distant provinces, and foreign territories, let us see how it has fared with a few of such examples in the past, and where success might be looked for, if anywhere.

Alexander pursued territorial acquisitions until tradition records that he wept because he could no longer find a new world to conquer,

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having acquired in seven years an empire as large as that acquired by the Romans in seven hundred; but the great Alexander was no sooner dead than his colossal empire was found to be as incurably debauched as he was known to have been himself, and the empire was at once broken into numerous military fragments to vex the world with new wars and a fresh brood of tyrants. At last Macedonia itself, the ancient seat of Philip and the base of the son's power, was reduced to a mere Roman province, while the city of Alexandria, built to perpetuate the name and splendor of its founder, has long been a conquest under the dominion of the Turks, who give away its ruins, with barbaric munificence, to British

museums.

The decline and fall of Rome was made certain when it commenced its work of centuries of triumphant and ferocious territorial aggrandizement. In his last will the advice of Augustus against this policy came too late. The blunder he would restrain had already been committed. The people of vast untutored provinces were made Roman citizens, but these foreign-made citizens only served to undermine the power and glory of the original seat of Roman greatness, which diminished in its stamina and virtue-the main pillars of any State-as rapidly as it increased in its bulk of gross material possessions. Gibbon asserts and abundantly proves that the Roman people were dissolved into the common mass and confounded with millions of inferior provincials. The institutions of Rome were destroyed by the poison everywhere lurking in and around ill-advised territorial expansions. Even the exalted type of ancient Roman virtue and manhood was unequal to the strain, and the country of the Scipios and Cæsars was finally vanquished, and vanquished by even the Huns-even as Egypt was conquered and for centuries ruled by the Mamalukes. So much for ancient examples. Let us now come down to a later period of history, without even glancing at the rapid decadence of Mohammedan conquests, and watch the inflexible result.

Spain under Charles II became the proudest nation of the earth, in consequence of the extent and importance of its territorial acquisitions, both in the Old World and the new. She could boast of Castile, Aragon, and Navarre, of Milan, Naples, Sicily, and Sardinia, of Cape Verd and the Canaries, of Tunis, of the Philippines and the Moluccas, of Peru, Chili, and Mexico, and finally, under Charles V, of Cuba and Hispaniola; and it is a part of this last ill-omened island which our excellent President has so earnestly sought to clutch. But all of these more or less magnificent Spanish appendages contributed only a momentary splendor to Spain, and then for the most part they dropped from the parent stem like overripe fruit, and brought a deeper and

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