Havana, of flour, hams, and lard-valued at New Orleans at $6,121 52-on which the duties paid were $8,028 93. This cargo was made up of such articles as Ohio produces in abundance. These are her staples. Would it not, therefore, be greatly to her interest to have the same access to the markets of Havana as to New Orleans? I cannot now dwell, indeed scarcely refer, to the vast interest that shipping men and merchants generally, as well as manufacturing capitalists, have in this acquisition. sorting to the curse of slavery' to account for it. But how Oats.... Peas and beans... 60,168 "$1.00 Cloverseed... 30 66 425,918 354,358 13,472,742 50 66 50 25 " 40 66 50 66 7 66 255,224 17,723,608 212,959 177,179 3,368,182 60,168 2,023.107 93,995 731,811 412,748 44.693 141,660 275,292 69,057 48,207 214,004 695,921 $38,137,695 Molasses... Aggregate...... 66 So far as the African and slavery is concerned, I ask the gentleman, and the candid of all parties Maple sugar...... 4,588.209 lbs. everywhere, whether the condition of that population would not be better under our Government than under the Spanish Government? If there be real sympathy for the African, and real opposition to what is called the atrocities of the slave trade, would not that trade be immediately abolished on the island becoming part of the United States? View the subject, therefore, commercially or politically, as it affects interests North or South, what rational objection can there be to it? Why, then, should gentlemen be opposed to it, either in open day, or, if need be, at midnight? Mr. Chairman, I did not intend to dwell on the subject as long as I have done, I only intended to make a very brief reply to the gentleman's remark about a ten million affair, of which I know nothing; but, in passing, I have taken occasion to tell him what I am for. And I repeat, in conclusion on this point, that, on the score of humanity, on the score of public interest and statesmanshipindeed, in every point of view, where is the objec tion to the acquisition of Cuba, if it can be honorably and properly acquired? I see none, but an obstinate, fixed, and blind dogmatical non sense. 66 "This list includes nearly every agricultural product of given from the census tables. The values run out are such HO. OF REPs. Here, sir, I might leave the subject, so far as the principles are concerned upon which the estimates were made, and so far as the gentleman's objection to the sliding scale is concerned; but so far as the justice or correctness of the scale adopted for Ohio products is concerned, I have this to say: That if there is any inaccuracy in it, or injustice done to Ohio by it, as a whole, no one is more chargeable with it than the gentleman himself. And this, I say, in my own vindication. For it so happens that I have preserved the calculations made by me in the construction of these tables more than two years ago, and amongst the papers find a memorandum, given to me, upon my request, by the gentleman from Ohio, which furnished me with the data upon which I framed the Ohio table. These tables, as I said before, were prepared soon after the census was taken, for quite another purpose than their exhibition in this place. And here is the paper, with a list of the products grown in Ohio, which I submitted to him with a request that he would put down opposite each article its ordinary average value or price in Ohio, at that time. This he did; and here is the paper: Sweet potatoes, per bushel................................... .......... Peas and beans...................... 1 dollar. $1 00... 1,142.011 25... 1,746,607 54,037 92,766 76,500 .$38,414,168 "An amount, so far from falling under that of Ohio, as might have been expected, actually exceeds it above a quarter of a million, without extending the Georgia list to rye, barley, tobacco, and other articles which are produced in that State. Away, then, with this prating cry about slavery's paralyzing the energy of a people, and opposing the development of the resources of a country." With this digression I pass to those other points in the gentleman's speech to which I wish to reply. In the remarks submitted by me, Mr. Chairman, on the occasion referred to, I made an exhibit of statistics, showing that Georgia, with less than half the population, with nearly a third less land in quantity, and less than a third in value, compared with Ohio, not only equaled, but exceeded, that State in her agricultural productions, according to the census returns of 1850. This I did, not for the purpose of showing, as the gentleman argues, that the labor of an African slave is better calculated to develop the natural resources of a country than the labor of an American freeman, but for the purpose of showing the utter futility of the argument against African slavery founded upon the assumption that it is inconsistent with such development, even in a highly prosperous degree. It was from no unkind or ungenerous feeling towards Ohio, her people, or her interests, on my part, that I selected that State for the comparison. On the contrary, it was because I looked upon her as one of the most, if not the most, prosperous of all our northern States; and, also, because Georgia and Ohio are both eminently agricultural States. The comparison of States engaged in similar pursuits is much better to illustrate the working of different systems, than that of States whose people follow different pursuits. So much, then, for my object. To the statistics exhibited in pursuance of that object, and that object only, the gentleman has made an elab-committee will indulge me, I will give the gentleorate reply. That reply it is my purpose now to review. What I said on the former occasion, together with the calculations then presented, I have before me, and ask attention to it. Here it is: "I had occasion, some time since, for another purpose than the present, to look a little into the statistics of Georgia, compared with those of other States. I selected the State of Ohio, because it was one of the most prosperous of the North-otten styled, and, perhaps, justly too, the Giant of the West. According to the census returns in 1850, Obio had of improved lands 9,851,493 acres-Georgia had only 6,378,479 acres; the cash value of the Georgia land, so improved and under culture, was $95,753,445, while the cash value of the Ohio lands was returned at $358,758,603-Ohio had nearly one third more land in a state of improvement than Georgia had, and returned at more than three times the cash value of the Georgia lands. The whole population of Ohio was 1,980,329, the whole population of Georgia, white and black, was 906,185. The population of Ohio, therefore, was more than double that of Georgia. Here we see her free labor more than double in number, working one third more land, worth, by valuation, more than three times that of Georgia. From these In commenting upon these exhibits, or tables, time. I did not make those calculations to answer "There is in every society or neighborhood an ordinary Again: "These ordinary or average rates may be called the natural rates of wages, profit, and rents, at the time and place in which they commonly prevail." The same principles are laid down by all writers upon the same subject. The basis upon which the value of any products of industry are to be, or should be, estimated, in comparing one country or State with another, is not that of equality as the gentleman proposes, but the ordinary or average rates or values at the time and places respectively. I gave the ordinary average values of the Georgia products at the time, soon after the census was taken, and the place-Georgia-where they were elements it might not be surprising to see her agriculture-produced. I did the same by Ohio. products greatly exceeding those of Georgia, without re ...... 5 Flaxseed.......................................75 cents. He put the price of wheat at 80 cents per bushel; buckwheat at 40 cents, rye at 50 cents, and so on, The whole list is identical with the value in the table I made for Ohio products, with the exception of Indian corn, which he put at 35 cents, and cloverseed at $5. I put Indian corn for Ohio at 30 cents, and cloverseed at $4; because other gentlemen from Ohio, whom I likewise consulted on the subject, gave it as their opinion that 30 cents for corn, and $4 for cloverseed, were fair average rates for those articles. And moreover, his average was for Cincinnati. And I wished to get as near as possible to the average for the State. In Georgia I did not take the Savannah or Augusta prices of wheat or corn, but what I thought a fair average throughout the State. Fairness and accuracy were my objects. Now, sir, the gentleman, in reply to me on the facts deduced from his list of prices, has given another list, vastly different from the one he furnished me with. Let us look at some of these changes-80 cents a bushel was what he put wheat at on my list; $2 per bushel is what he now rates it at-Indian corn he then put at 35 cents per bushel; he now puts that article at 90 cents. The changes in these two products, without going further in the investigation, make a difference of over $45,000,000 in favor of Ohio! This is "sliding" with a vengeance, as we say sometimes, down South! And it is in this way that he now gets the Ohio products to run up to $145,838,232 51. And no wonder! Sir, I based my calculations and estimates upon principles from which I will never slide; upon these principles the tables prepared by me were given to the world. I maintain them now. As the distinguished gentleman from Missouri, [Mr. BENTON,] when in the other wing of the Capitol, said of his plan of the Mexican war-these tables, sir, "will do to keep." And I intend to keep them; not, however, in my pocket, as I believe he kept his plan of the war, but, to use another phrase of that honorable gentleman, I intend to keep them by spreading them upon the "parliamentary history of the country." But I will not let the gentleman off with this exposition, which is certainly quite enough to establish the accuracy and fairness of my tables. What he complains most of, is what he calls the sliding scale-that is, fixing Georgia wheat at $1, and Ohio wheat at 80 cents. He insists that the estimation for both States should be on the same scale of prices. Well, sir, I will meet him on that ground. I will take, as a basis for the value of the products of both States, the very paper he 33D CONG....2D SESS. Georgia and Ohio-Mr. Stephens, of Georgia. furnished me with for Ohio. I will bring the scale of prices of Georgia products down to the average which he put upon similar products in Ohio, but not in New York. Mr. CAMPBELL. 1 suppose the gentleman would not misstate my positions, and I beg leave to set him right. Mr. STEPHENS. Be very brief, for I have no time to spare. Mr. CAMPBELL. Then I will not take up the gentleman's time; I merely say that he does not state my position correctly. Mr. STEPHENS. I understand the gentleman's position, as he stated it, to be, that the products of Ohio, and those of Georgia, should be taken at New York prices. Mr CAMPBELL. I I said I considered it as the great market of the country. Mr. STEPHENS. Very well. Then I was not mistaken in his position. He insists that the products of both States should be estimated at New York prices, which, I say, is as erroneous as to estimate the value of the lands in each State at New York prices. New York is not the market for Georgia sweet potatoes, or Ohio corn, or Ohio hay. The proper basis for the value of each is the average values in each State, upon the plan on which my tables were framed. But, for the sake of the argument, I say, I will adopt, as a basis, the Ohio prices, as the gentleman gave them to me himself, and make the Georgia products square with that basis, so far as we produce similar articles. I will bring Georgia corn from fifty cents down to thirty-five, and raise Georgia potatoes up to fifty cents, which is just as absurd as it would be to estimate a town lot in the small village in which I live at either Cincinnati or New York prices, for the same quantity of land. And I will put cotton, which Ohio does not produce, at the commercial value fixed upon it for that year at the custom-houses, which is quite as fair as to put it at the Cincinnati market price, inasmuch as it would cost quite as much to get it there as to the Sua-board. By House Doc. No. 136, 1st. sess. 32d Cong., the price of the cotton crop embraced in the census returns, was valued at 11 cents, and a little over. Then, sir, estimating the values of the products of both States, not at New York prices, but at Ohio prices, as given by the gentleman, and putting cotton at the actual value placed upon it officially, by this official report which I hold in my hand, how stands the result? I have made the calculation. I have the result before me. Here are the figures: 50.... 50... Ohio List. Wheat.........14,487,351 bushels at Buckwheat..... 638 000 66 at Indian corn....59,078,695 66 at Rye.......... 425,918 66 at Barley.. 354,358 66 at Oats.. .13,472,742 66 at 25.... Peas and beans. 60,168 at $1 00.... Irish potatoes.. 5,057,769 66 at 40.. Sweet potatoes. 187,991 66 50.... at Tobacco. .10,454,449 pounds at 7.... Cloverseed..... 103.197 bushels at $5 00.. 446,932 10.... 188,880 favor upon the system, which was the correct But the gentleman insists that hay should not be But the gentleman says that, in Ohio they make more corn than we do, and hence more fodder. Not so, sir. In Ohio they do not save their fodder; at least it is not usual with them to do it. They put their labor upon saving hay. We grow an immense amount of grass in Georgia, but we do not cut it or save it. We put our labor in saving corn blades and shucks; and we might as well claim our uncut grass in our cornfields, as a product to go into the estimate, as for the gentleman to claim the unsaved corn blades which grow on their corn stalks. And besides this, sir, there is no return in the census for cotton seeds, which, in Georgia, amount in value, annually, at a moderate estimate, at not less than $1,000,000. So, for these reasons I did omit the article of hay, as I stated, and did so properly, as I conceive; and with its omission, and the omission of the corresponding products of Georgia, upon the gentleman's own basis of calculation-not his last one, of New York prices, but the basis he gave me two years and upwards ago-Georgia, with a population of less than half that of Ohio, and with land a little over two thirds in quantity, and something under one third in value, produced, in 1849, according to the census returns, agricultural products exceeding those of Ohio in amount nearly $500,000. Ho. OF REPS. In this way the gentleman arrives at the conclusion, where he boastingly says, that Ohio was ahead of Georgia, annually, $80,349,965. But let us see how such a conclusion can be drawn, even if the results were as he has figured them out, upon any sound principles of political economy. According to these well settled principles, in comparing the relative prosperity of any State, or business, with another, the amount of the capital, as well as the products, is to be taken into the account. All writers upon this science, for it is a science and one of the profoundest of the sciences which real philosophers ever taughtlay this down as one of the axioms, or the postulates, upon which they build their systems. However they may disagree upon other matters, all agree upon this fundamental truth. Mr. McCulloch, whose work I have before me, after stating that the species of labor, or kind of employment, is not to be looked at so much as its results, says: "It is not, therefore, by the absolute amount of its capìtal, but by its power of employing that capital with advantage-a power which, in all ordinary cases, is correctly measured by the common and averaged rate of profit-that the capacity of a country to increase in wealth and population is to be estimated." And, further on, he says: "The average rate of profit would seem to be, on the whole, the best barometer-the best criterion of national prosperity." But, sir, I do not intend to stop here with the gentleman and his statistics. I will even follow him to New York, and his prices there. I have his tables of estimates, by which he made the annual products of Ohio amount to $145,838,232 51, Now, what is here stated of National prosperity, and those of Georgia to only $65,488,267 18. or the capacity to produce wealth, is as true of These tables are not given in his pamphlet speech, States as of nations. And the main object of the though they appeared with the speech as published gentleman from Ohio seemed to be to show, that in the Globe. But I intend to preserve them, the capacity of Ohio, with her free labor, was much whether he does or not. I shall preserve them as greater in the production of wealth, or the developwe do uncurrent coin in my country. For that ment of her resources, than that of Georgia, with purpose I have brought them here this day to ex- her slave labor. Then, sir, let the case stand as hibit to the House and the country; and, in the face he puts it. Ohio, with free labor, on an invest80....$11,589,880 of the gentleman, the House, and the country, to ment of $371,509,188 in capital, produces, with 40.... 255,220 nail them to the counter as spurious in their ele- her labor, $145,858,232. This is 39 per cent. 35.... 20,677,543 212.959 ments and composition. Upon what principle That is, the Ohio product towards capital, bears 177,179 can he estimate Ohio hay at $16 per ton, because the ratio of 39 per cent., while Georgia on an 3,368,185 hay sells in New York at that price, when, perinvestment of capital of $101,647,594 produces, 60, 61 haps, a bundle of Ohio hay never went there for with her labor, $65,488,267, which is 64 per cent. 2,023,181 93,907 sale in the world? Upon what principle can he And this is just 25 per cent. in favor of Georgia, 731,895 put Ohio wheat at $2 per bushel because wheat upon the gentleman's own extravagant and erro515.985 sells in New York city at that price, when, by neous assumptions. The gentleman may say 44,693 that the value of the slaves should be added to the his own account of it, in the list furnished me, he 75.... 141,660 275,292 put its price in Ohio at 80 cents? Nay, more upon Georgia capital. Not so, sir; for the purposes of what principle is it that he now puts Georgia this argument and the object of the gentleman, sweet potatoes at 50 cents per bushel, when they which was to show the superiority of voluntary are notoriously selling in New York at 25 cents over involuntary, or free over slave labor, in the a half peck, or $2 a bushel? I have a daily New amount of production and in the development York paper before me, giving the market price of a country's resources. The question he preof sweet potatoes at the rates I have mentioned. sents has but a single point, and that is, the proUpon what principle is it, I say, that the gentle- ductiveness of labor. Here we have Ohio labor 35.... 10,528,034 man makes up a table of such a character as this? as it is, whether free or hired-which is a way of Cotton-bales.... 499,091 400 lbs. at 11.. 22,625.458 Why did he not give the New York prices to the buying at a high price-working her capital in Rice............38,950,691 pounds at 4.... 1,558,027 Peas and beans.. 1,142,011 bushels at $100.... 1,142,011 entire list of Georgia articles, if he took that as land, and suitable implements in husbandry, and Sweet potatoes.. 6,986,428 the National market? The difference in the Geor-producing, in gross, at the rates of 39 per cent. on (6 at 50.... 3,493,214 Irish potatoes.... 227,378 66 at 40.... 90,951 gia products, in his table, on this one article of 3,820,044 66 at 25... 955,011 sweet potatoes, amounts to more than ten millions 11,501 66 at $100.... 11,501 of dollars against Georgia. It is for this, and di1,642 1,000 lbs., 6.... 98,520 216,150 gallons at 35.... 75,652 vers other great errors, I nail his table to the 423,924 pounds at 7.... 29,644 counter, here in open day, that the results deduced 53,750 bushels at 50.... 26,875 from them may not mislead the uninformed and 92,766 unsuspecting elsewhere or anywhere. Flax.. Flaxseed.. at 66 at Maple sugar... 4,588,209 pounds at 6.. 35.... Wine.... 48,207 66 at $1 00.... Garden products.. Orchard products...... Georgia List. Wheat.......... 1,088,534 bushels at Oats Barley Cane sugar-hbds Tobacco......... Rye............. at 69,057 48,207 214.004 695,921 $41,204,870 80.... $870,827 76,500 $41,675,021 And on this basis of calculation the Ohio products amount to $41.204,870, and the Georgia products to $41,675,021; making a balance in favor of Georgia of $470,151-near half a million and larger, by $193,678, than the balance in her But, sir, I said I would take up his results, attained, as they were, and meet the gentleman even on this, his own, ground of last retreat, in a comparison of the agricultural prosperity of the two States, according to all just and correct principles of political economy. And it is upon such principles alone, I will treat or argue such a subject. capital; and Georgia labor as it is, whether free or bought, working her capital of the same character in like business, throwing off like productions, in gross, at the rates of 64 per cent. on capital. But the gentleman says that the live-stock in each State should be taken into the account of the annual products. This is a most singular idea. But let it be done, and then how stands the result? Still more favorable to Georgia. Every step he takes plunges him deeper in the mire of his errors. For Georgia has much more live-stock, in proportion, either to her population, white and black, or capital, than Ohio has. Of neat cattle, Georgia has 1,097,528. Ohio, with about double the population, has only 1,358,947. This is exclusive of swine or hogs. For when the gentleman talks of driving Ohio fat hogs to Georgia, he must be reminded that Georgia has more hogs than Ohio has. Georgia, by the census, had 2,168,617 hogs, while Ohio, with her much larger population, had only 1,964,770. But if the whole value of the live-stock in each State be taken into the account, I say the result will still be more favorable to Georgia. The Ohio live-stock is put down at $44,121,741. In Georgia it is put down at $25,728,416. If these amounts be added to the respective products before stated, we shall have the Ohio aggregate, as the gentleman states, $189,959,973, and the Georgia aggregate, $91,216,683. We should then have the Georgia capital, of $101,647,594, producing $91,216,683, which is 89 per cent., and the Ohio capital, of $371,509,188, producing $189,959,973, which is only 51 per cent. Being a production at the ratio of 38 per cent. on capital in favor of Georgia. I have, Mr. Chairman, gone through with this illustration more for the purpose of exposing the fallacies of the gentleman than for any other purpose; and to show that, notwithstanding his most untenable assumptions as to the basis of prices, and his want of adherence, even to his own basis, first, in not abiding by his own list furnished me for Ohio products, and then in not putting Georgia potatoes at the New York city market price, when he adopted that basis; that, notwithstanding all this, his effort to make it appear that the agriculture of Ohio, under her system of labor, is more prosperous than that of Georgia under her system, has, according to the soundest principles of political economy, most signally failed. I, therefore, leave this branch of the subject where I left it before. The same exhibits I then made on this subject, I again make, and hold them up to the strictest scrutiny. Their results may astonish many who have never devoted attention and investigation to the subject; but the principles upon which they are founded, and the great truths they illustrate, may be railed at, but they can never be refuted. But, Mr. Chairman, my time is fast passing away, and I, too, must pass hurriedly on. The gentleman says there are other statistics besides those of agriculture; and he goes into an enumeration of several classes of them in comparing the physical, as well as intellectual, developments of Ohio with Georgia; he instances manufactures, public improvements, colleges, churches, and some others I can only glance at. The first he gives, is the following table: MANUFACTURES, ETC. Capital Raw Annual Per cent. invested. material. product. profit. Ohio........ $29,019,538 $34,677,937 $62,647,259 49.97 Georgia...... 5,460,483 3,404,917 7,086,525 36.06 Ohio ahead..$23,559,055 $31,273,020 $55,560.734 13.91 From this table one would suppose that Ohio had the capital here stated invested in manufactures, with the result stated; but, sir, by turning to the census returns, we shall find that much more is covered by the et cætera than by manufactures; under this et cætera comes mechanic arts and mining. But in the census I find no clue to what these mechanic arts are, or the details of mining-I do, however, to manufactures proper, which is the heading title of the table. We have in the census (Compendium, page 180) the manufacture of cotton, woolens, pig iron, wrought iron, iron castings, and distilleries and breweries; these are all the detailed heads of manufactures proper that the census gives-and the whole capital in Ohio, invested in all these branches together, is but $6,161,644! Here is the exact amounts taken from the cen OHIO MANUFACTURES. No. of establish- Capital raw Cost of Per ments. invested. material. labor. Product. cent. Cotton.. 8 $297,000 $237,060 $56,691 $394,700 33 Woolen.130 870,220 578,423 257,215 1,111,027 31 From this it appears that, in the manufacture of cotton and woolens, (which are those things that the mind generally turns to when speaking of manufactures,) so far from the State of Ohio being 13.91 per cent. ahead, when we take the ratio of capital to production, she is, in the first, 22 per cent., and in the other, 25 per cent. behind." I have not looked into the manufacture of iron, to see how the result would stand, because Georgia has very little capital invested in that business, and Ohio has certainly not enough to make it a matter of great importance there. Under the head of distilleries and breweries, I find that Ohio has a capital invested of $1,262,974, in which they used 330,950 bushels of barley, 3,588,140 bushels of corn, and 281,750 bushels of rye; out of which, they made 96,943 barrels of ale, and 11,865,150 gallons of whisky! But the price of the corn or grain is not given, so that it is impossible to tell what ratio the value of the product in this business bore to the investment. But it may be that it is under this head that a very heavy percentage was counted, which increased the mean average on manufactures in all branches taken as a class. But in Georgia, on the manufacture of cotton, the production, after taking off the cost of labor and raw material, bears to capital invested the ratio of 55 per cent.; in Ohio but 33 per cent. In Ohio, on woolen manufactures, the similar ratio of product to capital is 31 per cent.; in Georgia 56 per cent! I cannot dwell upon these things. Mr. CAMPBELL. You are wrong there. Mr. STEPHENS. No, sir. I am never wrong upon a matter I have given as close attention to as I have given to this Mr. CAMPBELL. I can prove it. Mr. STEPHENS. You had a chance to show that I was wrong once before, but you signally failed. Try it again. I come, now, to railroads. The gentleman says that Ohio has 2,367 miles of railroad in operation, while Georgia has but 884 by the census, placing Ohio 1,485 miles ahead. Very well, sir. This is a very good showing; and if she had five times as many more miles, it would have nothing to do with what I said about agricultural products. But, sir, as favorable as this showing seems to be for Ohio, if we look a little into the matter, it will not be so bad for Georgia as the gentleman seems to imagine. I find, by looking into the Railroad Journal, and taking all the roads in Ohio and Georgia-the condition of which is given in that publication-that 1,071 miles of the Ohio roads, which have a capital of $18,094,102, have, also, a funded debt of $12,225,400; while in Georgia, 553 miles of her roads, the capital of which is $9,099,975, have a funded debt of only $732,401. From this it appears that the roads in Ohio, as far as I have been able to get information, are two thirds unpaid for; while in Georgia less than one twelfth of hers is unpaid for. If all the roads in each State, therefore, stand in a similar condition; or if the 1,071 in one, and 553 in the other, may be taken as a sample for the whole in each State, then Georgia has more road completed and paid for than Ohio has. Two-thirds of 2,367, the number of miles of the Ohio roads, is 1,578, which, taken from that sum, leaves only 789 miles in operation and unpaid for. While one twelfth taken from 884 miles of the Georgia roads, leaves 811 miles complete and paid for. And why should not these improvements, boasted of, as they are, as evidences of prosperity, be subjected to this test? Is it any more evidence of the thrift or prosperity of a people, that they have railroads for which Ho. OF REPS. they are heavily encumbered, than it is of the thrift or prosperity of a man, from the fact that he accumulates property by running in debt for it? A man's real thrift can only be correctly ascertained by knowing not only what he has, and what he makes, but what he owes. Ant the same principle is equally applicable to States or communities. With this view of the subject therefore, and especially when we take into consideration the much greater population of Ohio than Georgia, the railroad showing is, by no means, prejudicial to the character of the latter State, for that sort of progress, which pays as it goes, and which never fails in the end to secure the most lasting and permanent prosperity. But the gentleman says that "there is another sort of development to be considered-that of the mind." And he cites us to the colleges in Ohio, 26 in number, against 13 in Georgia, putting Ohio 13 ahead. Now, sir, let us see if he is entitled to this boasting exultation upon any just principles of comparison. Ohio, it is true, has, by the census returns, 26 colleges, while Georgia has but 13. But Ohio has a white population of 1,955,050, while Georgia has but 521,572. Ohio, therefore, might very well be expected to have more colleges; but if the gentleman claims the number of colleges as evidence of greater development of mind, Ohio ought to have a number equal to the ratio of her population to that of Georgia. And upon this basis, she ought to have 48 instead of 26, so that she is really 22 behind what she ought to have, instead of being 13 ahead. But, sir, there is another view of this subject that the gentleman did not present, but which is one much more interesting to those looking after mental development than the number of colleges, and that is, the number of pupils or students at them. Georgia, at her 13 colleges, by the census, has 1,535 pupils; and Ohio, to have as many, in proportion to her population, ought to have 5,852, but, in fact, as the returns show, she has only 3,621. So, here again, upon the basis and ratio of white population, she is 2,231 behind. Georgia, by the census, has one pupil at college for every 339 of her entire white population, and Ohio has only one for every 539 of hers. In this particular, Georgia, by the census returns, is not only ahead, and a long ways ahead, of Ohio, but of every State in the Union, and of any and every other State or nation in the civilized world !— This I will set down as a legitimate "set-off""' against the gentleman's array of those who cannot read and write in Georgia. On this head he says, that Ohio has but one to every twenty nine of her population who cannot read and write, while Georgia has one to every twelve of hers. I shall not dis pute the returns of the census takers on this head, either in Georgia or Ohio; but there is one singular fact about it which strikes me as something worthy of note, and that is, that out of the foreign population-alien born-of 218,099, in Ohio, there should be found no more than 9,062 adults who that we hear said of the ignorance and want of cannot read and write. If this be true, then much intelligence on the part of that class of peope, cannot be well founded. But I have this to say of this showing against Georgia: Much of it is owing to some important facts in her history. Georgia, it is true, as the gentleman says, was one of the old thirteen States; but, in point of settlement, she should be ranked junior to several of the new States, particularly Ohio: It has not been twenty years since she got possession of her entire territory. And for forty years after independence was declared, she had possession of but little over half of it. It was held by the aborigines, while the Indian title to at least two thirds of the Ohio territory-if I am not mistaken-was extinguished by the treaty of Greenville, in 1795. Ohio was admitted as a State in 1802; and, as early as 1817, the Indian title was extinguished throughout her territory, with the exception of some small reservations. It was not until 1838-more than twenty years afterwardsthat the Indians were removed from that large and fertile section of our State known as the Cherokee country. This is now, by far, the most densely populated of any part of the State. The policy of Georgia in lottering off her lands in small tracts of 202, and 160, and 40 acres each, without any price, except the grant fees, naturally induced 33D CONG....2D SESS. Georgia and Ohio-Mr. Stephens, of Georgia. the landless, and the most indigent, whose means for education in early life had been most limited, in the neighboring, and even distant, States, to look to her cheap domain for homes whenever any portion of it was expected to be opened for settlement. Many of these pioneers, uneducated themselves, went into the woods, with hardly anything save a horse and a cart, an ax and a gun, a wife and, perhaps, not a few "little ones. Without convenient schools for several years, the older members of the rising families grew up as their fathers had done. Amongst this class is to be found much the greater number of those adults amongst us who can neither read nor write; but, with industry and frugality, where labor meets with the returns it does with us, competency and comforts soon followed. Then came year for which the returns were taken, there were but 80 criminal convictions in the whole State; while in Ohio there were 843! There were, in Georgia, in the penitentiary, 89 convicts; in Ohio there were 406! and of these 406 then in prison for crime in Ohio, 44 of them were blacks! Fortyfour, out of a free black population of 25,279. This is a most striking fact, showing the immorality of that particular class of people, as well as their degradation. If crime existed in the same ratio amongst the whites in that State, there would be! over three thousand of them in the State prison! The gentleman spoke of "carrying the war into Africa." I thought that was the last place he would be disposed to carry it, as the sable sons of that unfortunate land seem to be his especial favorites. But as he has carried it there, it is but proper that the result should be duly chronicled. Again, the general condition of a people is, to some extent, indicated by the amount of want and destitution amongst them. On this head, comparing Georgia with Ohio, the census presents the following results: Georgia..... Ohio Paupers, ..1,036 ..2,513 Annual cost of support. 27,820 95,250 But, Mr. Chairman, my time is nearly out. There are many other matters, I did wish to allude to, which I must pass over and omit. I wanted to say something about the present condition of things in some of the northern States, particularly in the city of New York, where it is now found that there is, after all, something in life worse than being required, or even made, to work. This is the great evil the negro in the men servants and maid servants:" and then, also, commenced that physical development which it is my pride here to-day to exhibit in such a high degree of prosperity; and, what to me is a source of still more pride and gratification in contemplating the working of our institutions, is, that many of that great number of students, both male and female, who now crowd our colleges and halls of learning, with such distinguishing honor to the State, are the younger sons and daughters of parents who, thirty and forty years ago, commenced life's career in our then wilderness, poor, illiterate, and destitute, as I have described. Moreover, Georgia has never received any aid from this Government for educational purposes. Ohio has received 69,120 acres of land for colleges, which, at Government prices, is $86,400. She has, besides, received, for common schools, 704,488 acres of fand, which, at the same estimated rates, makes more than $800,000. And, for internal improve-South is subjected to, in the opinion of those who ments, she has received 1,050,287 acres more. And to this may also be added over half a million of dollars she has received as a percentage on the amount of land sales in her limits. Georgia has been your benefactor to the amount of millions in the grant of public domain, but the recipient of none of these favors. She made herself what she is by her own exertions, energy, and enterprise. But, sir, I pass on to churches. The gentleman gives us this table: Here the gentleman again, as usual with him, sets down Ohio as ahead! But let us see if such be the fact? Ohio has more churches, it is true, and ought to have, for she has more people. But how does the number of churches stand in proportion to the population in each State? By the census, the church accommodation in each is as follows: Georgia 2 05 to every 1,000 population; Ohio 1.99 to every 1,000 population; that is, Georgia has over two churches to every one thousand of her entire population, white and black, while Ohio has less than two to the same portion of her population. To have her full ratio of churches, according to population, to be equal to Georgia, Ohio ought to have 4,059, instead of 3,936. So that, so far from being two thousand and seventy-four ahead, as the gentleman says, she is really, and in fact, 123 behind! It is true the Ohio buildings are estimated at a higher cost or value than those in Georgia; and this may be according to the fact. But with us we do not look so much to the splendor of architecture, or the outward appearance of our temples of worship, sa we do to having a house of some sort where the people of all classes, including the "poor,' yea even the "slave," may have "the Gospel preached to them!" Now, sir, as the gentleman has seen fit to leave the original issue of the comparative agricultural developments of the two States, and has given us statistics on other matters, I will follow his example, and call attention to one or two other subjects which will throw some light upon the workings of their respective social systems. The exhibition of churches is only one side of the moral picture. Let us turn it, and look at the other. How stand the lists of crimes in these States? By the census, in Georgia, during the || || rail so much against our social system. But that greater evil which is now felt in New York, is the want of work to do, by which means may be earned to keep from starving. "Hunger is a sharp thorn" was, a few days ago, the banner motto, born by thousands in that great mercantile metropolis. Under our system, sir, we never have such scenes. We have, it is true, our afflic tions of diseases, and epidemics, and disasters of drought, floods, and hurricanes; but the wail of thousands crying for bread, has never yet, under the blessings of Heaven, been heard in our land of sunshine and plenty, "cursed," though it be, with slavery! Even the curses of our enemies seem to fall as blessings on our heads. We have a "Social Providence," to use a late very appropriate designation given by the New York Tribune, which prevents all this. A system by which capital, accumulated in the years of plenty, is required to sustain labor in the years of want. These matters I wished to go somewhat into, but I cannot. But enough has been said to show a development, whether considered physically, morally, socially, or intellectually, quite sufficient to place Georgia (with domestic institutions as much abused as they are by those who know so little about them) fully along side of Ohio, "the giant of the West," or any other State of this Union. That was my proposition, and I think I have made it good. I want, in conclusion, however, to say a few things, Mr. Chairman, about one of our great staples. I omitted it in its proper place, but it will do, perhaps, just as well here. I mean the article of cotton; and I wish to say what I do on that subject, from the fact that I have seen it stated that the Ohio hay crop was equal to the Georgia cotton crop, and that the hay crop of the United States annually is quite equal in importance, as an agricultural product, to this great southern, or, I should rather say, national staple. Those who thus think, or talk, or argue, take a very narrow, imperfect, and unphilosophical, as well as unstatesmanlike view of the subject. As to the mere money value of this article, or its excess in value over the other, it is not my purpose to speak; that-great as, in fact, it is—is a small matter, infinitely small when placed by the side of other larger and more comprehensive considerations of the question. Some things have values extrinsic as well as intrinsic. Cotton is eminently one of these. Gold and silver are not so much entitled to be placed on the list of such things as it is. The extrinsic value of these metals arises from their agency as the adopted representatives of all values. With their displacement, however, HO. OF REPS. many substitutes could be obtained. But what substitute could be procured for the agency of cotton? Let us look, for a moment-and I have but a moment or two left-into some of the relations of this product to the active business operations of the world. To illustrate, I will state simple facts. These facts are collected from the very able report I hold in my hand. It was made by Mr. Andrews, a northern man. It is Ex. Doc. No. 136, 1st. sess. 32d Cong. Full credit, therefore, may be given to the facts. They come with the stamp of the highest authority. From this document it appears that the cotton crop of this counin gives employment to at least 120,000 tons of inland steam tonnage, and 7,000 persons in transporting it to points for shipment. It gives employment to 50,000 American seamen, and one million of American tonnage in its coastwise shipment. It gives employment to 800,000 tons of American shipping, and 40,000 American seamen, in its foreign shipment. Twenty-five thousand other persons, at least, are engaged in receiving and shipping it. It gives employment to at least 100,000 operatives in American factories, whose annual wages are over $17,000,000. In these factories there are invested eighty millions of American capital, which turn out, annually, at least seventy millions worth of products! With these facts before him, the writer of the report uses this lanuage. I ask the attention of the committee to it, because it is no less graphic than truthful: "Every interest throughout the land-at the North and the South, in the East and the West, in the interior, and on the Pacific as well as the Atlantic coast-receives from it (cotton) active and material aid. It promotes, essentially, the agricultural interests in those States where cotton is not produced. It is the main source of the prosperity of the mechanic, the artisan, and other laboring classes, as well as that of the merchant, and manufacturer in every section of the Union. Everywhere it has laid, broad, and deep, and permanent, the foundations of the wealth and strength of the United States, and of their independence of foreign nations. More than anything else has this product made other nations, even the most powerful, dependent on the United States of America.' More than any other article, nay, more than all other agricultural products united, has cotton advanced the navigating and commercial interests or the eastern Atlantic States, and of the whole Union. It, more than any other agricultural product, has cherished and sustained those interests, not merely by its direct contribution, but by awakening commerce in other countries, from which they have received profitable employment. Neither the whale fisheries, nor the mackerel and cod fisheries have been of the same importance and value to those interests as the annual cotton crop of the United States, since the war of 1812, has been, for its transportation coastwise and exportation to foreign countries. Like the light and heat of the sun, the genial effects of this inestimable blessing which Providence has bestowed upon this favored people, reach every portion of the land. They extend to every city, and town, and village, and hamlet, and farmhouse-to the ship, to the steamboat, to the canal barge, and to the railroad." Yes, sir, throughout the length and breadth of this vast Confederation of States, there is not a tenement, whether cabin or palace, where the lifegiving and life-sustaining influence of this southern product is not felt and realized. And besides this, it may be added that the same article gives employment, and the means of supporting human life, to at least three millions of persons in Europe, and the investment of at least three hundred millions of their capital! Figures almost fail, sir, to calculate the extent of the influence of this article upon the comfort, the happiness and well being of mankind. The one sixth, at least, of all these results is due to that portion of this product contributed by Georgia. This sketch gives us but a slight glance at some of the extrinsic values of cotton, to which the money value, to the grower, great as it is, is but a drop in the ocean. who, in the face of these facts, and these grand results, can be bold enough to maintain that this product of the South, in value and importance, is to be put in the balance and weighed down by the hay crop of the North? Or, that the cotton crop of Georgia, that contributes one sixth of all these results, is, in like manner, to be put in the scales against the hay crop of Ohio? The dried grass, the cow food, that sustains life for a season in their herds of cattle; though they were countless in number! The subjects hardly allow a contrast, much less a comparison; and whoever attempts it, does injustice, not only to his own intelligence as a statesman, if he has a spark of it about him, but he does gross injustice to one of the most important elements of his country's greatness! To But 33D CONG....2d Sess. Mediation in the Eastern War-Mr. Chamberlain. adopt the figure of the author of the report I have just read from, we might much better compare the lard lamps, or wood fires, or whatever else lights up the dwellings of the nineteen hundred thousand inhabitants of that State every night, to the full blaze of the "glorious King of day" at noon shedding abroad, not only light, but heat, animation, and life upon a smiling world around us. PEACE MEDIATION. SPEECH OF HON. E. M. CHAMBERLAIN, IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, The House being in the Committee of the Mr. CHAMBERLAIN said: I do not propose to enter into a discussion of the question now directly pending before the committee, for several reasons-one of which is, that I have not given such consideration to the question as to render me competent for the task. Another reason, and the paramount one, is, that if national honor and justice need any vindication before this committee, or the country, it has been triumphantly done by the answer we have just heard from the gentleman from Ohio [Mr. DISNEY] to everything, either that has been or could be said against the justice of these claims. the Apostle of Liberty, who, with equal wisdom, HO. OF REPS. us, in turning the commerce of Europe out of its usual channels; because the commercial enterprise of our people, standing aloof, as we do, from all participation in the conflict, is, in the mean time, gathering new energies to force its way into new channels, and over all obstacles, with a degree of successful activity hitherto unknown in its history. And more especially will this be the result under the influence of that policy on which we have always insisted, and are now about successfully to demand, the acquiescence of the commerTo appropriate here the thoughts of another,cial world that "free ships make free goods"— that "the flag covers the cargo. suggested by a kindred theme "How sickly and soulless a matter is the subject of human freedom in the hands of its precise and deliberate expounders. And yet, with what a free, generous, and noble spirit ought it to be made to meet the exigencies, the wants, and the woes, of a disordered and down-trodden world. Instead of trammeling it with the nice calculations of diplomatic exactitude, we should suffer it to well out into all the diversified channels of our relations and intercourse with the whole human race, attacking, in its course, the solemn mockeries of legalized falsehood, and the brazon insolence of conventional diplomacy; assaulting the glaring and shameful political bumbugs of the day, exposing the hollow pretenses of political quackery, brushing away the gewgaws and trappings of court etiquette, and in our national policy, spurning the sneaking mendacity of sordid avarice, blasting the foul usurpations of injustice and tyranny, and claiming, as a right, the exercise of the inherent power of reforming now, and ultimately of regenerating the world." "Instead of presenting it merely to the Fourth of July orator, as a sickly theory, a sort of skeleton figure of something, possibly to be tolerated by the generations of coming ages, we should hold it up, in the light of that meridian effulgence which now, in the middle of the nineteenth century, shines upon and reveals our giant strength, as the ministering angel of the world. We should call it the hand-maid of religion, the forerunner of that political philosophy which, thus scattered abroad, shall germinate and take the forms of manifold and vigorous life wherever and whenever God shall breathe his spirit upon it. Such a policy would be worthy of the name we boast, and the age in which we live. It would give to our statesmanship a character of unspeakable importance and resistless influence, and carry with it a halo that would pierce into the dark place of the earth." There was another question pending before the committee upon which I was desirous to have been heard, and that was, the question of the construction of the Pacific railroad by the aid of this Government. When that subject was under discussion, having no position upon the committee which enabled me to present prominently my views upon that or any other question, and having been unable to obtain the floor during the week or ten days that the question was pend-how is she straitened until it be fulfilled. ing, to present my substitute-which embraced propositions too numerous and of too much magnitude to allow me even to name them in detail in a five-minute speech, and upon which, in my humble judgment, that road will be built, if it is ever done by the aid of the General Governmentand overborne, also, perhaps, by some little degree of modesty, that discussion passed by, and I remained comparatively silent. There is another question which, if it has not gone by, I trust in God soon will go by, and that is the question raised by the resolution of the gentleman from North Carolina, [Mr. CLINGMAN]-the question of the interposition or mediation of this Government in the now existing war between Russia and the allied Powers. Upon this subject I propose to make a few remarks, preparatory to which I desire that the resolution should be read by the Clerk. Such is the mission of the spirit of freedom, and The resolution was then read, as follows: A Joint Resolution requesting the President to tender the mediation of the United States to the Powers engaged in the Eastern war. Whereas, the people of the United States see, with regret, that several of the great Powers of Europe are engaged in a war which threatens to be of long duration, and disastrous in its consequences to the industrial and social interests of a large portion of the civilized world; and being, under the favor of Providence, in the full enjoyment of the blessings of peace, distant from the theater of conflict, disconnected with the causes of quarrel between the parties belligerent, and, as a nation, having no immediate interest in the contest, and no purpose to interfere, forcibly or in an unwelcome manner, nevertheless are of opinion that the controversy may be susceptible of pacific adjustment, through the interposition of a neutral and friendly Power: Therefore— Yes, Mr. Chairman, when the question of human freedom is involved, every generous impulse of our nature, every consideration of the great ends for which we enter upon the struggle of life, every principle of our political institutionswhich are the price of invaluable sacrifices of blood and treasure-every example of our heroic ancestors, and every lesson of liberty their precepts have taught us, revolt at the thought of degrading it to a question of dollars and cents. But I regret to say that considerations like this, as to how much the European war may temporarily affect our pecuniary interests, enter largely into the argument of the gentleman from North Carolina, in support of his resolution. And yet, sir, were we, in this momentous crisis, involving, as it does, the freedom of the world, to stoop so low, so inconceivably to degrade the question, as to view it in this light, all reason, all experience, teaches us that even here, when its legitimate influences upon our mercantile and commercial interests shall have had time to develop themselves, even here, the argument is against him. But, sir, I will not magnify this branch of the argument by stopping to give it undue consideration. Nor shall I stop to consider in what particular direction specie may just at this moment. be flowing, for this is not a question to be settled in Wall street. But suppose it is going out, in payment of our debts, for which we have more than its equivalent in railroad iron, and other material which has gone to build up our present unprecedented national improvement and prosper Be it resolved by the Senate and House of Representa-ity, and to meet some portion of the five hundred Mr. CHAMBERLAIN. Mr. Chairman, this measure meets my unqualified disapprobation. I want this Government to confine itself within the limits of its own legitimate sphere of action, and not only let other people alone, but also let our own people alone. Hands off, sir, is my doctrine, because it is the doctrine of the Constitution. Babble as we may of the wise counsels of the Father of his Country, when, admonished by the weakness of our infancy, the doctrine of strict neutrality was adopted; and the admonition of million, which the gentleman informs us is the But, it is also said, that "our shipping interests It struck me, Mr. Chairman, that the gentleman was equally unfortunate in his reference to history; at least, so far as this nation is concerned, for instances of the benign influences of intervention in procuring peace. If my recollection is not at fault, they were all instances in which peace was preserved, or had ensued without intervention. I recollect one case in our history in which our national difficulties were submitted to an umpire, and an award was made. And that, sir, was the memorable case of our northeastern boundary difficulties with England, which Daniel Webster promised to settle "some Fourth of July." In that memorable case, intervention ended in an equally memorable abortion. The umpire-the King of the Netherlands-gave a characteristic decision. Right along the deepest bed of the river St. John's, he found the range of highlands dividing the waters flowing north into the St. Lawrence from those flowing south into the Atlantic; which was as clearly defined in the treaty of 1783, as the road to mill. This award was, of course, rejected; and Daniel Webster, who was always in favor of giv ing away territory-especially to England-rather than acquiring it, settled the controversy, as I would never have settled it, by yielding to Great Britain about all she demanded. But, sir, the gentleman tells us that the successful exercise of this mediatorial office will add another page to our national glory. Well, sir, from whom are we to receive this adulation? Why, from the crowned heads of Europe, in grateful consideration of the crowns we shall have saved them. Sir, I covet no such glory. And if we have the power, I protest against this prostitution of it. Rather let the crowns fall, with the heads. that wear them. Sir, there is another glory to which the genius of liberty aspires. She, too, is ambitious of empire. But it is that empire of freedom in which, crowned with the star-spangled diadem which sheds its hallowed light upon the world, she symbolizes the family of man as a brotherhood of sovereigns. 66 And is it true, as the gentleman asserts, that we shall gain great consideration with the masses of Europe by this intervention," to save these regal baubles, which, while they exist, are to these self-same masses but so many emblems of their hopeless misery and degradation? I must conclude that, in a special manner, this part of the gentleman's argument was not well considered. It is true that, as the passive instruments with which this bloody war is prosecuted, the masses there do suffer, and bleed, and die. But would he have us thence conclude that, if this war should cease, these masses would cease to suffer, and bleed, and die-the same passive instruments, in hopeless subjugation to their tyrant masters. Why, sir, the very armies with which these nations are contending-in strife so terrific as to convulse the civilized world-are, in numbers and appointment, little more than the ordinary peace establishments with which they hold these same "masses of Europe" in subjugation. Give peace to Europe, then, by your proposed intervention, and what do you do? Do you, in the slightest degree, ameliorate the condition of those masses, or give them one ray of hope that they have any share in the benefits of the world's progress? No sir, you do but thrust them back into that most hopeless of all conditions, where the silence of despotism is the synonym of peace. Sir, compared with this condition, the rattle of musketry, the roar of cannon, the shrieks of the wounded, the groans of the dying, and rivers of blood, are but the music, the shout, and the insignia of jubilee. But the gentleman also tells us, “that none of |