a country remote from the place of its production.

"These facts have wholly demolished the hempen pillar of this free trade theory. Mr. Walker may lament over the destruction of revenue upon these articles, resulting from the skill, industry and enterprise of our Western countrymen. They have 'substituted,' as he terms it, cheaper and better articles of domestic production for the foreign products. I rejoice in every reduction of your revenue from imports which is produced by this sort of of substitution. It is an unerring index of the upward progress of the nation. I have dwelt thus long upon cotton bagging because it was selected by the Southern advocates of free trade to test their principles in 1842, and because the whole history of this trade is familiar to my own constituents. There are many other articles protected by the Tariff of 1842 which furnish similar results, but my time will not allow me to dwell longer upon particular and detailed illustrations. The friends of free trade, to sustain their theory, are compelled to assume the fact that all commodities will, necessarily and invariably, and in all markets, sell for their natural price. This proposition, so far from being generally true, is almost universally untrue. The market price is seldom, in any market, the same as the natural price; and even this natural price, from the very nature of its constituent elements, is subject to an infinite variety of disturbing causes, and, like the market price, is as variable as the winds. You can scarcely select a single item of material

wealth which will not demonstrate the truth of this position. One grower of corn in a particular neighborhood, who is favored by propitious seasons, may grow an abundant crop in a year of great scarcity -it may far exceed his average product in ordinary years; yet in the sale of this corn, in his immediate vicinage, or elsewhere, he does not, in the slightest degree, regard the usual rent of land, nor wages of labor, nor average profits of stock in his neighborhood, in fixing its price. Your necessity is the usual measure of his price. The foreign manufacturer does not concern himself about how cheap he can afford to sell you his wares. He avails himself of every circumstance which affects advantageously for him the market price, and sells for the best price he can get. He will not be apt to neglect to avail himself of advantages which remoteness from the market of supply gives him. When the market of supply is remote from the place of consumption, the trade in the commodity becomes a quasi monopoly; competition is usually less; combinations to raise prices are more readily effected, and consequently profits are larger. The

history of the trade between India and Western Europe, from its early beginning, and more especially at that time, abundantly proves the truth of this position. The establishment of domestic manufactories brings our markets of supply nearer our markets of consumption, which diminishes these difficulties, and uniformly tends to lessen the market price of commodities. It produces competition between domestic producers, and between the foreign and domestic producers, and between domestic traders and foreign and domestic traders, all of which are usually beneficial to the consumer. The diminution of price produced by competition between foreign producers alone, usually swells the profits of the merchant more than it reduces the price of the commodity to the consumer. But if you so arrange your tariff laws as to enable the domestic producers of such com modities as are suitable to the country to compete fairly with the foreign producer of like commodities, the consumer will generally get the chief advantage from the reduction of price produced by competition in both countries. All these causes, together with many others which I cannot now comment upon, counteract this tendency of duties to enhance prices, and overturn this assumption, upon which the theory of free trade is built."

Need we add one word? Is not the demonstration complete?

A single quotation more will be pardoned us, extended as this article is. It has reference to Mr. Walker's fundamental principle that no duty shall be laid at a higher rate than that which will produce the greatest aggregate of revenue. That a tariff may be so adjusted as in the whole to afford adequate Revenue and adequate Protection, is demonstrated by abundant experience. But the requirement that each duty shall be levied with express reference and in entire conformity to Mr. Walker's principle, is fatal to the existence of Protection as a recognized element of National Policy. It makes the prosperity and happiness of the People subordinate to the needs and caprices of the Government -puts the creature above the creator. It is giving body and verity to Moore's allegory of the Divine Right of Kings as a fly worshipped as a God, with the People as the bullock daily sacrificed on this divinity's altar. This year the Government needs money, and imposes a duty which operates as an incidental Protection to some important branch of our National Industry; but next year this Revenue is not needed, so

the duty is taken off, and a large class of our laborers exposed to a ruinous Foreign competition. Tens of thousands of citizens must suffer because the Treasury is plethoric and the Government easy in its money matters! Is this Republican Legislation? Consider the following extract from the speech of the Hon. REVERDY JOHNSON of Maryland, in the Senate, July 25th, viz:

"See how this doctrine breaks down the whole domestic industry of the country. The President says he has always been in favor of incidental protection; and he understands that to be the protection which a tax imposed exclusively for revenue gives to the manufacturer. Now, what is that tax? It is, they tell us, a tax to be limited to the wants of the government, and you are to look and see how much tax any particular article will bear, so as to yield the largest practicable amount of revenue: that is the principle. Well, if it is a sound principle, if it is the only constitutional principle, it will be as sound and constitutional ten years hence as it is now. It is a principle which is always to limit the fiscal legislation of Congress. Now let us look at its practical operation upon the domestic industry of the country. It seems to me that its inevitable effect must be to strike it all down. In illustration of this, take any taxable article-coarse cottons, for example.

I will assume that we have now no tax on coarse cottons, that they are free from duty, and that there is no competition here of a home fabric; how are we to proceed that we may raise the largest practicable revenue on its importation? What is to be ascertained? First, what is the amount of their consumption in the United States. When we have ascertained this, then how much tax they will bear without diminishing the present consumption. These being found, we lay our tax, say thirty per cent. ad valorem. The people of New England, famous as we all admit them to be for industry, enterprise and shrewdness, take it into their heads that they could make the same article with the protection in the home market which a tax of thirty per cent. on the foreign articles would give them. Accordingly, they proceed to establish their factories; they produce an article as good, if not better, than the imported, and they make a heavy profit, perhaps more than the ordinary average profit of business men around them. Meanwhile the population of the country increases, the quantity of cottons consumed increases with it, and the annexation of Texas increases the demand still further. As demand increases, factories are multiplied, until they have gone on and invested a hundred millions of dollars in these establishments; thousands and tens of thou

sands of operatives find good wages and constant employment; the consumption of the country is supplied to the whole extent that these factories can make; and the dofast getting ahead of it. What happens? mestic article vies with the foreign, and is the Government gets into a situation in which it needs more money; and what does the President say? I want a hundred millions of dollars, and we cannot raise it, without making as much out of foreign cottons, imported as we can possibly get. Experience shows, that under the tax of thirty per cent., foreigners do not supply our market, that it discourages the importation; we must diminish our tax, we must tax foreign cottons to the revenue standard only, and what is that? Why, the Secretary says, it is the lowest tax that will raise the greatest revenue; thirty per cent. is too high, it keeps out the foreign article; as long as we keep on that tax, American factories will continue to rise. Millions of dollars are invested; thousands of families have dedicated themselves and capital to that branch of business, and they are contented and happy, and they are supplying the demand. This will never do, says the President and his Secretary; we must bring in more foreign goods, we must reduce the tax so low that the foreign manufacturer can supply the whole demand: no sooner said than done; down goes the tax, and what is the result? Down go the factories; down goes the price of labor; down falls the laborer and his dependents upon his labor; down goes the agriculture of those who supply their various wants; and down goes the wealth and prosperity of the nation. And why all this? Why, forsooth, because the only constitutional mode of laying taxes is to make the tax the very lowest, which will bring the highest amount of revenue."

It is remarkable that throughout the discussion of this Tariff, especially in the Senate, there was scarcely an effort made by the friends of the measure to meet the strenuously urged objections of its opponents. In vain did we press them, alike in the debates and in the journals, to give us some reason, some excuse for, some palliation at least, of the extraordinary anomalies of this measure-of its duties of 30 per cent. on coarse Wool, for example, parodied by the assessment of 20 and 25 per cent. onWoolen Blankets, Flannels, Baizes, &c., &c.-its 30 per cent. on Hemp, and 25 on Cables and Cordage-its 30 per cent. on Paper and 10 on Books-its 5 per cent. on Pig Copper, while Sheathing Copper and Sheathing Metal are admitted by it free of duty, &c., &c. They were pressed

to reconcile these, not with our principles, but with their own, or with any principles whatever that did not abso lutely contemplate the building up of Foreign Industry on the inevitable ruin of important branches of our own. All was fruitless—they refused, as they still refuse, to offer or attempt any justification of these discriminations against American Labor. Indeed, they seemed in the Senate to regard all deliberation, all discussion, as preposterous and out of place. The Party, had resolved that the bill should pass as it came from the House, therefore refused to send it to any committee, refused to debate its merits, and when at last it was, by a majority of one, referred to the Committee of Finance with express instructions to correct these glaring anomalies, it was promptly reported back unaltered, with a declaration that the Committee could not understand the instructions given them! Thus thrown back on the Senate, all essential amendment refused, the measure was driven through that body by

a majority of a single vote, and became the law of the land.

As such, it behoves all good citizens to obey its provisions. Let no factious resistance, no unmanly despair, be manifested by the friends of Protection. If this measure be such as it seems to us— if it produce the results which appear to us inevitable-it cannot be persisted in. We care not for the ostentatiously paraded majority of the Administration in the next Senate-we are confident that majority will never be practicably realized; or, if realized, can never be rallied to persist in a measure so baleful as we feel that this Tariff of 1846 must be. Patiently, firmly, hopefully, then, let the friends of Protection to Home Industry bide their time. There is a recuperative energy in free institutions which rarely permits the continuance of flagrant impolicy or crying injustice. If we have not misread the signs of the times, the Tariff of 1846 will precipitate the ruin of its contrivers and hasten the day of our National redemption.

MR. MACKENZIE, in the work before us, has given a full and interesting account of the life of Paul Jones. The narrative is easy, and unencumbered with superfluous trash, such as is too frequently attached to works of this kind. Without any attempts at fine writing without even one brilliant passage that we can now recall-it is still well written. Very few military men are fit to write popular works on war or warlike characters. To them battles are a business transaction, and they describe them with true professional brevity and technicality. They give us but the skeletons of campaigns and engagements, leaving them without flesh and blood. Napier is an exception to this remark, and while his details of the peninsular war are complete and reliable, his descriptions of a battle are often thrilling and eloquent in the extreme. Mr. Mackenzie never paints a scene, and never

seems to view it in any light but that of an officer in the navy.

The Harpers have not got up the book in a form to secure for it that place which it deserves. These two thin, coarsely printed volumes, should have been put into one well printed, well-bound volume

fitted not only for private libraries, but for those of our common schools. The life of the man who first hoisted the American flag on the ocean, and bore it triumphantly over the waves, should be within the reach of every citizen.

John Paul was born July 6th, 1747 in Kirkbean, Leith, Scotland, and was the son of a poor gardener on the estate of Arbigland. The name of Jones was entirely assumed, though for what purpose is not stated; it was probably affixed to render him unknown to his friends in Scotland, who might regard him as a traitor if they knew he was fighting against his country. At all events he

rendered his new name immortal, and the real name, John Paul, is sunk in that of Paul Jones. By a large class of men Paul Jones is regarded as a sort of freebooter turned patriot-an adventurer to whom the American war was a Godsend, in that it kept him from being a pirate. But nothing could be farther from the truth. He was an adventurer, it is true, as all men are who are compelled to make their own fortunes in the world, and had all the boldness and rashness which are necessary to success in military life. Born by the sea-shore where the tide heaves up the Solway-living on a promontory whose abrupt sides allowed vessels to approach almost against the shore-surrounded by romantic scenery, and with the words of sea-faring men constantly ringing in his ear, he naturally, at an early age, abandoned his employment as gardener, and became a sailor. Independent of the associations in which he was placed leading to such a course of life, he was of that poetic, romantic temperament which always builds gorgeous structures in the future. No boy, with a fancy like that of Paul Jones, could be content to live the hum-drum life of a gardener's son. To him this great world presents too wide a field, and opens too many avenues to fame, to be lightly abandoned, and he launches forth with a strong arm and a resolute spirit to hew his way among his fellows.

Paul was but twelve or fourteen years of age when he was received as a sailor on board the ship Friendship, bound to Rappahannock, Virginia. Thus early were his footsteps directed towards our shores, and his whole future career shaped by it. The young sailor, by his skill and industry, was soon promoted to the rank of third mate, second mate, first mate, supercargo, and finally captain. Thus he continued roaming the sea till he was twenty-six years of age, when a brother of his, a Virginia planter, having died intestate without children, he took charge of the estate for the family, and spent two years on the land.

In 1775, when the American Revolution broke out, the young Scotchman commenced his brilliant career. His offer to Congress to serve in the navy was accepted, and he was appointed first lieutenant in the Alfred. When the commander-in-chief of the squadron came on board, Jones unfurled the national flag the first time its folds were ever given to the breeze. What that flag

was, strange as it may seem, no record or tradition can certainly tell. It was not the stars and the stripes, for they were not adopted till two years after. Our author thinks it was a pine tree, with a rattlesnake coiled at the roots as if about to spring, and that is the generally received opinion. At all events it unrolled to the breeze, and waved over as gallant a young officer as ever trod a quarter-deck. If the flag bore such a symbol it was most appropriate to Jones, for no serpent was ever more ready to strike than he. Fairly afloat-twentynine years of age-healthy-well knit, though of light and slender frame-a commissioned officer in the American Navy-the young gardener saw with joy the shores receding as the fleet steered for the Bahama Isles. A skillful seaman— at home on the deck, and a bold and daring man-he could not but distinguish himself, in whatever circumstances he might be placed. The result of this expedition was the capture of New Providence, with a hundred cannon, and abundance of military stores. It came near failing, through the bungling manage ment of the commander-in-chief, and would have done so, but for the perseverance and daring of Paul Jones.

As the fleet was returning home, he had an opportunity to try himself in battle. The Glasgow, an English ship, was chased by the whole squadron, yet escaped. During the running fight, Jones commanded the lower battery of the Alfred, and exhibited that coolness and daring which afterwards so characterized him.

Soon after, he was transferred to the sloop Providence, and ordered to put to sea on a six weeks' cruise. It required no ordinary skill or boldness to keep this little sloop hovering amid the enemy's cruisers, and yet avoid capture. Indeed, his short career seemed about to end, for he found himself, one day, chased by the English frigate Solebay, and despite of every exertion overhauled, so that at the end of four hours his vessel was brought within musket shot of the enemy, whose heavy cannon kept thundering against him. Gallantly returning the fire with his light guns, Jones, though there seemed no chance of escape, still kept his flag flying, and nothing but his extraordinary seamanship saved him. Finding himself lost in the course he was pursuing, he gradually worked bis little vessel off till he got the Solebay on his weather

quarter, when he suddenly exclaimed 66 up helm' "to the steersman, and setting every sail that would draw stood dead before the wind, bearing straight down on the English frigate, and with his flag still fluttering in the breeze, passed within pistol shot of his powerful antagonist. Before the enemy could recover his surprise at this bold and unexpected manœuvre, or bring his ship into the same position, Jones was showing him a clean pair of heels. His little sloop could outsail the frigate before the wind, and he bore proudly away. He soon after had another encounter with the English frigate Milford. He was lying to, near the Isle of Sable, fishing, when the Milford hove in sight. Immediately putting his vessel in trim, he tried the relative speed of the two vessels, and finding that he could outsail his antagonist, let him approach. The Englishman kept rounding to as he advanced, and pouring his broadsides on the sloop, but at such a distance that not a shot told. Thus Jones kept irritating his more powerful enemy, keeping him at just such a distance as to make his firing ridiculous. Still it was a hazardous experiment, for a single chance shot crashing through his rigging might have reduced his speed so much as to prevent his escape. But to provoke the Englishman still more, Jones, as he walked quietly away, ordered one of his men to return each of the enemy's broadsides with a single musket shot. This insulting treatment made a perfect farce of the whole chase, and must have enraged the commander of the Milford beyond mea

sure.

He continued cruising about, and at the end of forty-seven days returned to Newport with sixteen prizes. He next planned an expedition against Cape Breton, to break up the fisheries; and though he did not wholly succeed, he returned to Boston in about a month with four prizes and a hundred and fifty prisoners. The clothing, on its way to the Canada troops, which he captured, came very opportunely for the destitute soldiers of the American army. During this expedition Jones had command of the Alfred, but was superseded on his return, and put again on board his old sloop, the Providence. This was the commencement of a series of unjust acts on the part of our government towards him, which as yet could not break away from English example, and make brave deeds the only road to rank. It insisted, according to

the old continental rule, with which Bonaparte made such wild work, on giving the places of trust to the sons of distinguished gentlemen. Jones remonstrated against this injustice, and pressed the government so closely with his importunities and complaints, that to get rid of him it sent him to Boston to select and fit out a ship for himself. In the mean time he recommended measures to government respecting the organizing and strengthening of the navy, which shows him to have been the most enlightened naval officer in our service, and that his sound and comprehensive views were equal to his bravery. Most of his suggestions were adopted, and the foundation of the American navy laid--thanks to the first man who ever hoisted our flag on the

seas.

Soon after, (June, 1777,) he was given command of the Ranger, and informed in his commission that the flag of the United States was to be thirteen stripes, and the union thirteen stars on a blue field, representing a new constellation in the heavens. With joy he hoisted this new flag, and put to sea in his badly-equipped vessel, steering for France, where he was by order of his government to take charge of a large vessel, there to be purchased for him by the American Commissioners. Failing in this enterprise, he again put to sea in the Ranger, and steered for Quiberon Bay. Here, sailing through the French fleet with his brig, he obtained a national salute, the first ever given our colors. Having had the honor first to hoist our flag on the water, and the first to hear the guns of a powerful nation thunder forth their recognition of it, he again put to sea and boldly entered the Irish Channel and captured several prizes.

Steering for the Isle of Man, he planned an expedition which illustrates the boldness and daring that characterized him. He determined to burn the shipping in Whitehaven, in retaliation for the injuries inflicted on our coast by English ships. More than three hundred ships lay in this port, protected by two batteries composed of thirty pieces of artillery, while eighty rods distant was a strong fort. To enter a port so protected and filled with shipping, with a single brig, and apply the torch, under the very muzzles of the cannon, was an act unrivaled in daring. But Jones seemed to delight in these reckless deeds

there appeared to be a sort of witch