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330 CONG....20 Sess.
Execution of United States Laws-Debate.
As a Senator on this floor I do not speak of Says an Edinburgh Reviewer, in an article on nature! In 1792 Congress passed an act to organslavery within the States; but must leave them, I “ Travelers in America:”
ize the militia of the United States, which provided suppose, to hug the monster to their breasts, until, "Every American who loves his country should dedicate for the enrollment of none but free, able-bodied, like the stolen fox which the Spartan boy con- his whole life and every faculty of his soul to efface the white citizens, although the fact was then fresh in cealed under his tunic to hide the theft, it shall
foul blot of slavery from its character. If nations rank
the knowledge of Congress and the country that eat and gnaw into their vitals. If all that modern American, a scourger and murderer of slaves, to compare
no class of soldiers had fought more heroically, or discovery has revealed concerning it be true, and bimself with the least and lowest of the European nations, done more, proportionally, to achieve the liberties the institution is, as asserted, beneficent in its char- much less with this great and humane country where the
of the country in the revolutionary conflict, than greatest lord dare not lay a finger on the meanest peasant? acter, tending to civilization, purity, liberty, eduWhat is freedom where all are not free, where the greatest
the very class thus proscribed. And it should be cation, physical prosperity, and social advance
of God's blessings is limited, by impious caprice, to the added, in justice to them, thus cut off from the ment; or if, as I think, the reverse of all this is color of the body? And these are the men who taunt the privilege of participating in the defense of their true, and its tendencies are toward barbarism, deEnglish with their corrupt Parliament, with their buying
country-a privilege denied by no other Governand selling votes! Let the world judge which is the more bauchery, despotism, ignorance, material decay, liable to censurewe who, in the midst of rottenness have
ment on earth to its subjects that they came forand social demoralization, we of Connecticut and torn the manacles off' slaves all over the world, or they,
ward as volunteers in the second war with Great the other free States do not desire to participate who, with their idle purity and useless perfection, have Britain, and, by their patriotic devotion and solin either its blessings, or its curses, but to be ex.
remained mute and careless, while groans have echoed and
dierly exploits, won from the lips of their comempted from any responsibility therefor. As citgress. We wish well to America; we rejoice in her pros
manders the highest meed of praise. Their patriizens of the free States we ask especially that this perity, and are delighted to resist the absurd impertinence otism and valor rose superior to the injustice and District may be purified with a thorough lustration, with which the character of her people is often treated in contumely of their persecutors.
this country. But the existence of slavery there is an atroso that the capital of the nation, which should
In the year 1810, Congress again thrust at the cious crime, with which no measures can be kept, for which reflect the national honor, shall cease to be trodden her situation atfords no sort of an apology, which makes
dark-complexioned people of the country, by enby a slave, and the national flag no longer protect liberty itself distrusted and the boast of it disgusting." acting that “no other than a free white person slavery and the slave trade under its folds. We I have cited these passages not that they can shall be employed in carrying the mails of the ask to be released from the infamy of the traffic afford any satisfaction to national pride or patriot- United States, either as a post-rider, or driver of a in men, women, and children, which is often her- || ism—they certainly afford me none-but because carriage.” Any other person, of whatever charalded through the city papers to take place almost they are iruthful, and teach us in what estimation acter, may carry the mail: but a native American, under the shadow of the Capitol. Let this foul we are held abroad on account of our slavehold. of unsullied character and virtuous aime, unex. blot be wiped off from our national escutcheon. ing. Every true American, every real patriot ceptionable for probity and trustworthiness, if Let the city bearing the honored name of the must feel deeply for the honor of his country, and his complexion chances to be a little dusky, is Father of his Country be cleansed of the rank lament the dark plague-spot which has brought proscribed as unfit to drive the horses which draw offense, and made a fit dwelling-place of the ark upon it the keen 'reproaches and scorn of an en- the mail-bags of the country: of our liberties. Let American citizens, when lightened universe. “Oh, sir, this fair temple of The Federal Government has disfranchised the they visit the capital of their country, no longer | freedom, with the demon of slavery as the presiding colored men of the District of Columbia, and left have occasion to take up the indignant lamentation | divinity enthroned within; this magnificent altar them to be plundered of their money, under the of the poet:
of liberty, with human victims for the sacrifice, specious name of taxes, in the disbursement of “Who can with patience for a moment sec,
this asylum for the oppressed of all other lands, which they have no voice, and no direct benefitThis medley mass of pride and misery,
and the cruel grave of the rights and liberties of thus holding to their lips the same bitter chalice of of whips and charters, manacles and rights,
millions of our own land! Justice, humanity, of slaving blacks and democratic whites ?
oppression which our revolutionary fathers dashed To think that man, thou just and righteous God !
liberty, patriotism, all implore us to banish sla- from theirs with indignant scorn. "Taxation withShould stand before Thee with a tyrant's rod, very from the national capital, and everywhere to out representation they could not endure-but O'er creatures like himself-with souls from Thee, absolve the Federal Government from its guilty this Government has inflicted the same intolerable And yet to boast of perfect liberty!"
complicity with slavery. They call upon us to wrong upon the colored man. We demand the abolition of slavery in the na- denationalize it, and disabuse the national char. By the laws of this Government all colored pertional District, not only as an act of justice to the acter of the horrible infamy which burns and sons are precluded from the advantages of some, if enslaved and to the free States which have been blackens upon its escutcheon, from the perversion not all, the Territories of the United States, they treacherously implicated therein, but also as one of the freest and best Government on earth, or- being opened to none but "free white persons. of the reformatory measures necessary to the vin- dained for the protection of human rights, into a A dark complexion is thought incompatible with dication of our national character before the world. tremendous engine for their destruction. Have a settlement in the wilds of the West. Everywhere the cause of republican Government we become so callous, so reckless, so lost to a Thus, sir, has the Federal Government warred is sadly disparaged and stigmatized by our incon- | proper self-regard, and a decent respect for the upon a part of the people-it has pursued them to sistency and treachery. American liberty is under- opinions of mankind,” as to madly persist in the utmost extremity; it has legislated them down, stood abroad to mean the liberty to oppress, the trampling upon the great and vital principles of and frowned them down, and trampled them liberty to enslave, the liberty to 'imbrute our fel- our own Government, and in offering hecatombs down, with an arbitrariness and cruelty well illuslow-men; and one foreign writer has even sug. of men upon the allar of American liberty? Shall | trated by the Procrustean bedstead of antiquity, gested that our national emblem should be made we wait for the avenger of blood to teach us the on which men were laid and made to fit those truly emblematic of our real character, by pictur- awful lesson affirmed by all history, that national too short were stretched, and those too long were ing the eagle with liberty on his wings, and with calamities and ruin are the sure and inevitable cut to its length. Wherein is the difference bea negro chained and writhing in his talons, and consequences of national injustice and crime? tween this barbarity, and that of cutting and his heart's blood dripping from his beak. Amer- Mr. President, here I might pause; but it may I graduating human rights by the hue of the skin? ican Democracy is looked upon as a huge, one- not be amiss to glance at the subsequent policy of They are alike arbitrary, unjust, and tyrannical. eyed, gigantic monster-a modern Polyphemus- a Government which signalized its inauguration | Men are no more responsible for their color than sporting the cap of liberty on his head, and mouth | by reëstablishing slavery in the metropolis of the for their stature, and to make their rights depend ing the peans of freedom on his tongue, while he || nation, and expose its profligacy in pandering to on any such accident of birth, or climate, is the the vilest despoiism beneath the sun. Although the baldest despotism-as absurd as impious.
And yet the friends and abettors of this inhuman cities, according to the reports of American trav- tinction on account of complexion, and admits no | policy, with an air of great self-complacency, tell elers, standing erect upon the human auction block, right or disqualification therefor, its administrators us that the colored people are an "inferior and in the act of selling men, women, and children, to have taken it upon themselves, in utter violation || degraded race.” Then why not have the justice the highest bidders; again, with coat off and arms of its letter and spirit, to proscribe all whiteless and magnaminity to remove their civil disabilities, bare, whipping nude-backed women; and again, persons, and legislate them out of the pale of its and let them rise, and no longer exhibit toward with rifle and hounds, chasing a flying fugitive | protection. Never has a Government been guilty them the dastardliness of an overgrown bully, who slave over mountain and moor, whose only crime of a more audacious usurpation of power, or å pounces upon the weak and defenseless! Their is, that, like Washington, he loves liberty too grosser violation of constitutional prerogative. alleged inferiority should entitle them to the prowell.
Let us glance at the proscriptive crusade of the tection of their superiors rather than to their de. Said Lafayette, a few years before his death: Federal Government against a part of the people struction. Ill does it become the cruel inflictors “ While I am indulging in my views of American pros- of this country. Its first act in this direction, as of all their wrongs to speak of their inferiority, pects and American liberty, it is mortifying to be told that we have seen, after the adoption of the Constitu- | ignorance, and debagement. Inferior, sir! Who in that very country a large portion of the people are
tion, was the enactment of the whole slave code, has made them inferior? Ignorant! Who has It is a dark spot on the face of the nation." Says E. S. Abdy, in his book entitled “ A Res- in the Federal District.
and the reinstitution and perpetuation of slavery | doomed them to ignorance? Debased! Who has idence and Tour in the United States:"
sunken them in debasement? They, be it under
In 1790, Congress passed an act of naturaliza- | stood, who have brought all the sanctions of law “ A view of the national sin of America, after admiring || tion, by which any alien, being a while person, and custom to crush them; who have snatched the natural grandeur of the country, is like discovering the object of worship in the old temples of Egypt, where, after
may be admitted to the rights of citizenship, thus from them the key of knowledge, and closed every the stranger had walked bewildered through vistas of su- proscribing all aliens, however worthy, on whom, avenue to their elevation and advancement. Put perb architecture, he came at last to the filthy idol-a mouth- or on whose ancestors, the sun may have shone a out the eyes of men, and then tell them scornfully ing and obscene ape, playing its pranks on a throne of gold! And this is the thing to be worshiped in America; a mock
little too vertically, and, at the same time receiving that they are blind. Extinguish the Promethean ery and disgrace of the human character enthroned in the any and all other persons, however immoral and fire in their souls, and then tell them tauntingly West; a nation of slave-drivers masquerading it with the debased. Marvelous statesmanship, sir, thus to that they are darkened and debased. It is the cap of liberty; a Christian people surpassing all the heathen tribes of the world in systematic wickedness; a free Re
open the door wide to ship-loads of white paupers crowning villany of tyrants that they visit their public practicing greater oppression than was ever heard of
and criminals from the Old World, and bolt it fast own crimes upon their victims, and thus seek to in the old king-scourged and priest-ridden despotisms of against colored foreigners, though ennobled by all hide their own guilt under the wrongs which they Europe."
the virtues and excellencies that can adorn human | inflict. Allege not the depressed condition of your
as worms. eine is sometimes depicted in foreign constitution of the United States makes no dia
330 CONG....20 Sess.
Execution of United States Laws—Debate.
colored brother, whom you have sold into Egypt, | Africans into slavery. 'Two citizens of Wiscon- Mr. GILLETTE. That is the Senator's ex-
Sir, what would be thought of the father who crime to be expiated by a felon's cell and a fine appertaining to the old States, which show a large
numerous class who emancipated them. As for noble; not to curse, but to bless every class and “It is a practice, an increasing practice, in parts of Vir. slave mothers, he knows more about them than I condition of people, and thus, while fulfilling their ginia, to rear slaves for market. How can an honorable do. But, sir, to return to my argument. appropriate functions, conciliate the patriotic re
mind, a patriot, and a lover of his country bear to see this
In several slave-importing States other than
those which I have already mentioned, the increase rampart of true, devoted, loyal hearts. Well did converted into one grand menagerie, where men are reared is much above the average ratio, thus showing a Jefferson wax warm on this point, and exclaim: for the market, like oxen for the shambles? Is it better, vast domestic slave trade which numbers many “With what execration should the statesman be loaded
is it not worse, than the [African) slave trade-that trade
thousands annually. Supposing the natural inwbo, permitting one half of the citizens thus to trample on
creed and every clime to abolish it? The trader receives crease in the four slave.exporting States mentioned, the rights of the other, transforms those into despois, and
froin these into enemies; destroys the morals of the one part,
the slave, a stranger in language, aspeci, and manners, to be thirty-three per cent., which cannot be too and the patriotism of the other. And can the liberties of a the merchant who has brought him from the interior. The
high, considering the mildness of their climate, the ties of father, mother, husband, and child, have all been nation be thought secure, when we have removed their rent in twain; before he receives bim bis soul has become
lightness of slave labor, and the leniency of slave only tirm basis, a conviction in the minds of the people that these liberties are the gift of God, and not to be violated
callous. But here, sir, individuals, whom the master has treatment, compared with the climate, labor, and but with his wrath ? Indeed, I tremble for my country
known from infancy, whom he has seen sporting in the treatment endured by the same class in the rice, when I reflect that God is just; that his justice cannot
innocent gambols of childhood, who have been accustomed
cotton, and sugar States, in some of which the
consumption is reported to exceed the domestic people, subject to cruel taskmasters. In my opinion it is increase, the number of slaves in the four States change of situations, is among possible events: that it may
inuch worse." become probable by supernatural interference.
med should have amounted to.......1,050,699 mighly has no attribute that can take side with us in such Said the Synod of Kentucky in 1825:
Whereas the actual enumeration was but, 851,444
These acts are daily occurring in the midst of
between the years 1840 and 1850, which, at $600 Government to the purposes of slavery and sla: occasions, proclaim, with a trumpet-longue, the iniquity of each, would amount to $119,535,000—the great very propagandism, to which I ask the attention our system. There is not a neighborhood where these consideration, after all that has been said to the of the Senate. By the act of 1807, Congress un
heart-rending scenes are not displayed. There is not a vil.
contrary, for the perpetuation of slavery in those manacled outcasts, whose mournful countenances tell that
States. trade, and directed in what vessels, and in what they are exiled by force from all that their hearts huld In this connection, Mr. President, and in conmanner it should be carried on, thus abetting and dear."
clusion of this topic, I will read a short extract protecting a traffic in the people of this country, The Richmond Inquirer, Virginia, in 1847, held from the speech of the Hon. T. B. Macaulay, which, if prosecuted on the coast of Africa, Con- the following language:
delivered in the British Parliament, on the “sugar, gress has since declared to be piracy punishable "It is a melancholy fact that negroes have become the duties.” The great name of its author must secure with death. Can any political casuist tell us how
only reliable staple of the tobacco growing section of Vir-
for it the attention of every Senator “who hath and domestic. They are sold here by hundreds, under the
ears to hear:" should allow its own native-born people to be haminer of the auctioneer. The domestic cannot compete 6. Then a new distinction is set up. The United States, bought up and transported in vessels under its with the southwestern demand for them, for the plain reason it is said, have slavery ; but they have no slave trade. Í own authority and regulation, to be sold in the the tobacco grower cannot make half of one per centum per deny ibat assertion. I say that the sugar and cotton of the slave markets of the Republic; while at the same
annum on slave labor, while the colion and sugar planters United States are the fruits, not only of slavery, but of the make, perhaps, from ytteen to cwenty per centum. Our
And I say further, that, if there be on the time, it prohibits the buying and shipping of na- negroes are going by lundreds, yea, by thousands, to the surface of this earth a country which, before God and man, tive Africans under penalty of death? Or why it southwest."
is more accountable than any other for the misery and deg should hang a man as a pirate for trading in one Although the census is cautiously silent, and radation of the African race, that country is not Brazil, the African savage, and assume to regulate the trade furnishes no statistics relative to this branch of
produce of which the right honorable baronet excludes, in thousands of American Christians, as they are American commerce in Americans, we are able,
but the United States, the produce of which he proposes to
admit on more favorable terms than ever. sometimes represented; thus withdrawing its pro- by much labor, to glean from it certain data, from “I affirm, then, that there exists in the United States tection from millions of its own native people, and which we can form some estimate of the probable a slave trade not less odious or demoralizing, nay, I do in lavishing it on a barbarous people in a distant amount of human exports from the slave-breeding
my conscience believe, more odious and more demoraliz
ing than that which is carried on between Africa and Braland? If it be piracy to steal men from Africa, | States, and the human imports into the slave-buy:
zil. North Carolina and Virginia are to Louisiana and and sell them in the human shambles, how shall ling States, during the last decennary. We find Alabama what Congo is to Rio Janeiro. The slave States we characterize the stealing of Africo-Virginians, the average increase of the whole slave population of the Union are divided into two classes--the breeding and transporting them under the regulation of to have been 28.87 per centum. But in Virginia | multiply, and become strong for labor, and the sugar and United States laws, to be sold in the man-markets the ratio of increase was but 5.21 per centum; in cotton States, to which those beasts of burden are sent to of the South and Southwest?. We even hear the | Maryland 0.07; in North Carolina 17.58; in Dela- be worked to death. To what an extent the traffic in man African slave trade palliated in a certain quarter, ware the decrease was 12.09.
is carried on, we may learn by comparing the census of as a grand missionary enterprise, by which its
What became of the slaves thus disappearing ginia are, as I have said, great breeding States. During
1830 with the census of 1840. North Carolina and Virpoor benighted victims are translated out of their || from these States? They were not swept away the ten years from 1830 to 1840 the slave population of heathenish darkness into the marvelous light of by pestilence or famine, but by the soul-drivers, North Carolina was almost stationary. The slave populathe “ Model Republic;" but no such plea can be as they are technically called, into Georgia, where tion of Virginia positively decreased. Yet, both in North urged in extenuation of the American slave trade, || the increase was 35.85 per centum; into Missouri,
Carolina and Virginia, propagation was, during those ten
years, going on fast. The number of births ainong the inasmuch as its victims are anatched from under where the increase was 50.10 per centum; into
slaves in those States exceeded by hundreds of thousands the blazing light of the old slave breeding States, Florida, where it was 52.85 per centum; into Mis- the number of the deaths. What, then, becane of the surand doomed io regions less blessed with the beams sissippi, where it was 58.74; and into Arkansas, plus? Look to the returns from the southern States, and
from the States wbose produce the right honorable baronet of the day-star. The trader's profit is the sole where it was 136.26 per centum. consideration, at the expense of the slave's inter- • Mr. GEYER. Let me tell the Senator from
proposes to admit with reduced duty or with no duty at all,
and you will see. You will find that the increase in the ests and happiness.
Connecticut that the slaves brought into Missouri breeding States was barely sufficient to meet the demand In the city of New York a man now awaits the are not brought there for sale; we have a law for
of the consuming States. In Louisiana, for example, where execution of the sentence of death, pronounced bidding that; but they are brought by emigrants toil, and would not, ir len to itself, keep up its numbers,
we know that the negro population is worn down by cruel by a United States court, for buying and selling H from other States.
there were, in 1830, 107,000 slaves; in 1840, 170,000. In
330 CONG.... 20 Sess.
Execution of United States Laws-Debate.
Alabama, the slave population during those ten years much
nopoly of at least $1,500,000,000 in human flesh. in pieces,” and pluck the human spoils out of his more than doubled; it rose from 117,000 to 253,000. In
By this slaveholding oligarchy this Government teeth. Mississippi it actually tripled; it rose from 65,000 to 195,000. So much for the extent of this slave trade. And
has always been controlled and wielded, for the Grent changes in public sentiment have occurred as to its nature, ask any Englishman who has ever traveled support and extension of slavery which, the late within the last twenty years, and greater changes in the southern States. Jobbers go about from plantation John Q. Adams truly said in a speech to his con- are to come within the next ten years. The boomto plantation, looking out for proprietors who are not easy in their circumstances, and who are likely to sell cheap.
stituents, shortly before his death, “constitutes ing cannon which celebrated the fall of the MisA black boy is picked up here, and a black girl there. The the very axle around which the administration of souri compromise, just north of the Capitol, on dearest ties of nature and of marriage are torn asunder as your national Government revolves. All its meas. the memorable, the "melancholy night" of my rudely as they were ever torn asunder by any slave captain ures of foreign and domestic policy are but radia- | induction into this body, also heralded the resur, on the coast of Guinea. A gang of three or four hundred
tions from that center. negroes is made up; and then these wretches, handcuffed,
rection of liberty from her inglorious sleep, and feltered, guarded by armed men, are driven southward as Mr. President, the Constitution under which the overthrow of that colossal power that has so you would drive, or, rather, as you would not drive, a we are legislating knows no man by his color, || long darkened and cursed the land. In the lurid herd of oxen to Smithfield, that they may undergo the creed, or clime. Based on the great principle of | Alash of those cannon it might have read the deadly labor of the sugar mill near the mouih of the Mis. Eissippi. A very few years of that labor in that climate
natural law, as enunciated in the national decla- || hand-writing of its doom upon these walls, and suffice to send the stoutest African to his grave. But he ration the exact equality of all men in natural heard in their roar its echoing dirge. I thank God can well be spared. While be is fast sinking into prema- rights-it reads: "
We, the people, do ordain and the dark night of servility and shame is passing ture old age, negro boys in Virginia are growing up as fast establish this Constitution,” thus emanating from into vigorous manhood, to supply the void which cruelty
away, and the day-dawn of a regenerated freedom is making in Louisiana. God forbid that I should exten
all, and embracing all within its ample scope. and manliness is shining upon our mountains and uate the horrors of the slave trade in any form. But I do The illustrious men who formed it, had not made hills. Animated, quickened, transported by its think this its worst form. Bad enough it is that civilized the profound discovery that human rights depend cheering rays, I caich and echo the words of one men should sail to an uncivilized quarter of the world on complexion, or any other physical peculiarity: l of freedom's own poets: where slavery exists, should there buy wretched barbarians, and should carry them away to labor in a distant
They embarked in the revolutionary struggle with “ Through all the long dark night of years, land; bad enough. But that a civilized man, a baptized the motto emblazoned on their banner-all men
The people's cry ascendeth, man, a man proud of being a citizen of a free State, a man are equal in rights; under its inspiration, they
And earth is wet with blood and tears, frequenting a Christian church, should breed slaves for ex.
But our meek sufferance endeth; portation, and, if the whole horrible truih must be told, Il conquered, and came out of the contest declaring
The few shall not forever sway, should even beget slaves for exportation* ; should see chilit to be “the boast and pride of America that the
The inany moil in sorrow; dren, sometimes his own children, gamboling around him rights for which she had contended are the rights
The powers of hell are strong to-day, from infancy; should watch their growth; should become of human nature. Deeply imbued with these
But Christ sliall rise to-morrow. familiar with their faces, and should then sell them for $400 or $500 a head, and send them to lead in a remote country a
noble sentiments, they formed the Constitution, Though hearts brood o'er the past, our eyes life which is a lingering death-a life about which the best and so far from admitting therein the possibility
With smiling futures glisten! thing that can be said is that it is sure to be short. This that man can be made property, they not only
For lo! our day bursts up the skies; does, I own, excite a horror exceeding even the horror ex
Lean out your souls and listen ! discarded the odious ter slave, but went so far
The world rolls freedoin's radiant way, cited by that slave trade which is the curse of the African coast. And mark: I am not speaking of any rare case, of as to substitute the term service instead of servi.
And ripens with ler sorrow; any instance of eccentric depravily. I am speaking of a tude, it being understood that the former implied
Keep heart! who bear the cross 10-day,
Shall wear the crown to morrow." trade as regular as the trade in pigs between Dublin and the state of freedom, and the latter the condition Liverpool, or as the trade in coals between the Tyne and of slavery.
Mr. BROWN. I now rise for the purpose of the Thames."-(Pp. 344, 318.)
No matter what physical difference may exist || asking permission to be allowed to have a change As additional proofs of the action of the Federal
among men; no matter whether an African, an made in a vote which I gave this morning on a Government in behalf of slavery, I might speak | Asiatic, a European, or an American san may have motion of the Senator from Ohio, (Mr. CHASE,) to further of its tolerance of slavery in the l'erritories shone upon them; no matter whether the human strike out the words "under color ihereof." I was where, by the Constitution, its jurisdiction is ex- soul be enshrined in ebony, bronze or ivory, “a mistaken in the question, and voted in favor of clusive; of its unconstitutional and barbarous en- man's a man for a' that,” equal in rights before striking out. I intended to vote differently, and actments for the rendition of fugitive slaves; of its God and the Constitution of the country. To as it makes no difference in the result, 1 hope, by persevering, negotiations with foreign nations for || deny this is to contradict the spontaneous utter- unanimous consent, I may be allowed to change the surrender of, or compensation for, fugitive ance of human nature herself, and strike at the
my vote. slaves; of its invasion of Florida to capture ab- center column of the temple of liberty. For how The PRESIDING OFFICER, (Mr. WELLER.) sconding slaves; of its interference to prevent can any man's liberties be secure after this fund- || It cannot be done, except by unanimous consent. emancipation in Cuba; of its duplicity in its in- amental principle is overthrown? That moment Mr. CHASE. I object. I should not do so but sincere attempts to suppress the African slave. we are all at the mercy of the strongest, and for the fact that I asked the same favor the other trade; of its refusing to acknowledge the inde- || might usurps the place of right. Perfect equality | day, and it was refused on the ground that it could pendence of Hayti, or receive an embassador from of rights, and equal liberty to exercise those rights not even be done by unanimous consent. ihat Government; of its annexing Texas to extend -such is the organic law of the land; and though Mr. BROWN. Weil, sir, it is a matter of no and strengthen slavery, as avowed by the leading rejected and trampled now, it must and will pre- || consequence. southern advocates of that measure; of its invasion vail.
Mr. JONES, of Tennessee. I do not mean, of the right of petition; the liberty of the press, “ Truth, crushed to earth, shall rise again ;
Mr. President, to enter into this debate, The and the freedom of speech on the subject of slavery;
The eternal years of God are hers;
truth is, I did not know that this bill was coming of its admission into the Union of nine new slave
But Error, wounded, writhes in pain, States; of its wars of conquest for the acquisition
And dies amid her worshipers."
up, nor did I know the purport of the bill. There
are, however, some things which have occurred of a vast area of territory, to be devoted to slavery; In conclusion, Mr. President, I can only dep- || here to-night to which I desire to allude. of its recent abrogation of the Missouri compro
We have heard two speeches from the Senator mise; of its admitting the principle of property in necessary for the enforcement of the fugitive act, man, by granting claims for lost slaves, as was and designed to complete its supremacy over State an hour and a half in length, deprecating the introdone but iwo or three days since; and worse, and authority. No effectual resistance can be made duction of this question suddenly, asserting that it more revolting even, allowing claims for children to its passage. The arm of the slave power is was sprung upon them; that they were not preof female slaves, that never were born, as was again uplifted, and another blow is about to fall | pared for it; and that they were astonished that it done in 1834 to certain citizens of Georgia, for upon the liberties of the States to crush them into
was sprung on them. Now, we have sat here for depredations by Creek Indians, on the principle Federal absolutism. I bow to what is inevitable one hour and a half listening to the elaborate essay, set forth in the report of the committee thereon, by the fiat of a power that knows no forbearance, which we have just heard, written oul, every i to wit, that "a much higher value is set on a looking hopefully to a higher Power, to whom dotted and every I crossed, which must have refemale slave in consequence of an anticipation of our fathers looked in the day of their calamity, quired days, if not weeks, in its preparation. increase-a property in expectancy in the issue and were signally delivered. I have no threats What are we to think of the frankness, candor, or of such female slave." (Reports of committees, to fulminate, and but a word of admonition. I sincerity of that party who are fighting this measfirst session, Twenty-Third Congress, No. 140.) | caution you not to drive the North to intenser ure? We are upbraided for hours with forcing Thus, sir, the people of the free States were taxed || exasperation. Her grievances are already greater | the question on them suddenly, and we have just many thousand dollars by the Government to pay than she can bear; do not throw another com- heard delivered an essay writien out in advance, for slave children which, happily for them, were bustible upon the flame. Desist from your reck- which no man in the Senate could have prepared never created, and lived only in the prolific im- || less crusade upon her rights; your aggressive war in a week; and in that essay the Senator refers to agination of the slaveholder, engendered there by upon her liberties. Having crossed the Rubicon, this very measure, showing that he had his eye to his cupidity:
I warn you to stop and count the cost, before it and had prepared himself for it. Now, gentle"To such base uses" has this Government || pushing on to cap!ure the last citadel of freedom. men, if you can find it in your hearts to be honest come at last thus has it been perverted, de- Constituted as the Senate now is, there can be for once, just tell us that you knew all about it, bauched, prostituted, by a domineering negroöc- no reasonable hope of resisting any decree regis- || and were ready to come up and fight it. Just try racy, now numbering three hundred and fifty | tered here by the dominant power. That power, and be honest for once. (Laughter.] thousand members, and bound together by a mo- strongly backed as it is by its northern minions, Another thing, Mr. President, to show you that
is absolute for evil. But, sir, as said the elder this is a concocted scheme, and that it is perfectly * Soon after resuming iny seat, upon this statement being called in question, I received a noie from a stranger in the
Adams on a memorable occasion, "great is Truth; | understood by this little band, I will noi say of gallery, stating that “ fourteen instances" of fathers selling great is Liberty; great is Humanity; and they traitors, because that would not be respectful, but their own children had fallen under his observation, several must and will prevail. They who resist their || if I were to say what I think I should say so. of which are known to members of Congress, and in two march, whether Senators, Presidents, or Judges, Mr. SEWARD. Speak it out. of which he himself was the purchaser. On subsequent inquiry, I have learned that the gentleman, who made ihe
will be scattered like chaff by the breath of the Mr. JONES, of Tennessee. I believe it on my communication, is from a slave State, where he has held
tempest. All the high and holy attributes of own personal responsibility. I do not say it senhigh judicial positions.
Omnipotence are pledged to " break the oppresor || atorially, but personally I do. (Laughter.] I
recercome measure before the Senate, urged
car free have heard to be seen about an hour of
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wish to say that there is a perfect understanding, Mr. GILLETTE. I look that picture full in But I do not mean to answer the speech. I would a secret understanding, between these men. How the face, and I tell the Senator that the honored not lower myself so much as to do so. did the Senator who has just addressed us, (Mr. man whom it portrays uttered sentiments as hos- I listened to the Senator as patiently and as Gillette,) who has all the urbanity of a gentle tile to slavery as any I have uttered this night on respectfully as I could, considering the circumman-and I hope I shall deport myself to him as the floor of this Chamber. He deprecated it with || stances, and I found that one half hour of his such-happen io allude to the remark contained all his heart, and declared, over and over again, || speech was devoted to prove the wrongs and inin the address of the Senator from Ohio (Mr. that his vote should not be wanting to abolish it. | justice perpetrated by ihe white man upon the Wade) about the booming cannon and its lurid That face, I see, darkly frowns upon the Senator | black man. He even quoted higher than any fames, unless he knew precisely what that Sen- himself for the atrocious sentiments which he is earthly authority to prove the gross injustice and ator was going to say? There is no mistake about | ultering.
iniquity of the servitude of which he spoke. Half it. Just own like gentlemen that you knew all Mr. JONES, of Tennessee. Ah! Mr. Presi- an hour of his speech was devoted to prove equalabout it. [Laughter.] Here, (pointing to Mr. || dent, if the dead could rise, if that mighty formity between the black and the white inan. Now, Gillette,) how did you know that the Senator which is represented there could stand up here || I ask that Senator if he is sincere in his declarafrom Ohio was going to say that, unless you con. erect, in all its majesty, and he who was the tion that the black man is entitled to equality with ferred with him about it, and how did you happen master of hundreds of slaves, he who gave his the white man, socially or politically?" I put that to have an allusion to it in your speech written whole life and services to his country, could stand question to the Senator. out, covering about fifty pages of manuscript? here and hear his name invoked to vindicate the Mr. GILLETTE. Mr. President, the Senator
Mr. PETTIT. If the Senator from Tennessee foulest treachery against the Constitution of his from Tennessee, unintentionally, I trust, quotes will allow me, I should like to have him press this country, we should
but a part of my language, and thus misreprefurther question, whether it was not one of those Mr. COOPER. I call the Senator from Ten- sents me entirely. I endeavored to show the gentlemen who had the subject referred to the nessee to order.
reason why the black man is not equal to the Committee on the Judiciary for consideration. The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator white man in this country to be, because the
Mr. JONES, of Tennessee. I will ask that from Pennsylvania will state his point of order. whole legislation of this Government, and of many question. I did not know anything about it before, Mr. COOPER. The language which the Sen- of the Siates, has been wielded to crush him. I but I put the question whether any one of them ator from Tennessee uses is not in order.
did say that, under the Constitution of the United did that? Answer the question, gentlemen; come The PRESIDING OFFICER. What is the States, all men are equal in natural rights, and out like men, and answer it. (Laughter.] I put | point of order?
have the same title to the enjoyment of those the question whether any of you did have this Mr. COOPER. That he is addressing himself rights. That was my language, and not as the question referred to the Committee on the Judi- to another Senator, denouncing him as a traitor. Senator quotes me as saying that all men in this clary, or not?
Mr. JONES, of Tennessee. Not at all. country are equal. Mr. PETTIT. Silence gives consent.
Mr. COOPER. You were denouncing his con- Mr. JONES, of Tennessee. I did not say that; Mr. JONES, of Tennessee. I am afraid there duct as treacherous.
but I mean that this issue shall be met fairly. I is a little cheating here. (Laughter.) Both the Mr. ADAMS. I insist that the Senator from put the question now to the Senator. Does he Senators from Ohio said that this subject had been Pennsylvania shall address the Chair and not the believe that a black man is entitled to an equality precipitated upon them, but yet, we are now led Senator from Tennessee.
of rights, socially and politically, with the white to believe that one of them did have it referred to The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator man? That is a plain issue. I put the question the Committee on the Judiciary; that they did || from Tennessee will proceed.
directly to the honorable Senator, and respectfully; know the bill was to be reported, because here is Mr.JONES, of Tennessee. I understand I am do you believe that the black man is entitled to an an elaborate speech, requiring a week to write it || in order. I do not mean to be disrespectful, but equality of rights with the white man, either out, (I think it would have required a week for I will never stand in my place in this Chamber | socially or politically? me to write it out,) in which he refers to remarks and hear the name of the Father of his Country Mr.'WILSON. 'Mr. Presidentthat were made by another Senator who preceded invoked in support of a tirade of denunciations Mr. JONES, of Tennessee. I do not yield the him. You are not playing fair; there is no mis- | against the institutions of that country for whose floor to the Senator from Massachusetts. I am take about it; you are dodging this question. | benefit he gave his whole life and his whole ser- speaking to the Senator from Connecticut. I will (Laughter.]
vices. Make all the questions of order on me you take you one at a time. But, sir, I wish to say a word on another point, | please; I will never submit to it. But, sir, I'did Mr. GILLETTE. I thought that, I before which is more important. I do not mean to not mean to say that much. I sat here and list- | expressed myself in such a manner, that every answer, I do not suppose I could answer, the ened, I think, with Christian forbearance, to a Senator could understand me. I do believe, and essay of the gentleman from Connecticut; but tissue of the strangest misconception-if that term I have the highest authority for the belief, that all there are one or two points in it to which I wish will suit gentlemen, but if I were to express my. men are equal in natural rights, that they have the to advert. He has read lo us extract after extract self plainly I should say misrepresentations-- same right to life, liberty, and the pursuit of hapfrom foreign journals, foreign reviewers, and for- || phantasies of the imagination, chimeras of the || piness, irrespective of color, or of any other physeign witnesses, all for what? To throw dishonor brain. He has told us of a woman hawked ical peculiarity. and discredit upon his own country. He has | through the streets with a rope around her body. Mr. JONES, of Tennessee. That is not anread to us abuse, lower, meaner, more servile, Nobody saw it done; there was no witness to swering the question. Natural rights are one falser than the low miserable abuse of Mrs. Trol- || testify to it. It may have been so. I do not know thing, and social and political rights are a wholly lope herself.
the facts, but I submit to the Senator whether that different thing. It is a natural right to breathe Mr. GILLETTE. Will the gentleman allow is the sort of argument which dignified and hon- the air of the atmosphere, to drink water, to eat me to say a word ?
orable Senators ought to use here. The honorable food. Every animal upon God Almighty's earth, Mr. JONES, of Tennessee. Certainly. Senator stated in his address that this question the horse, the mule, the ass, all are entitled to
Mr. GILLETTE. I stated distinctly that my had been precipitated upon him, and yet in that those benefits. My question was not in relation object was to show the position which we occupied very address he quoted remarks made by the Sen- to them. My question is this: While these genin the estimation of foreign nations, while I deeply | ators who preceded him.
tlemen are waging a war against the institutions regretted the fact that there was occasion for any The Senator from Connecticut must suppose of the South, and contending for the equality of such opinions abroad.
that gentlemen of the South are utterly abandoned || the rights of the black man with the white man; Mr. JONES, of Tennessee. Mr. President, | to all ideas of self-respect. Does he think they | while they are inveighing against the cruelties God forbid that I should ever reach that point | can sit here, quietly and submit to hear such which they say we perpetrate on our negroes; when sectional prejudice or influence will induce statements as are contained in a publication which while they are maintaining all this philanthropy, me to throw dishonor on my country! The Sen- he read from one of his foreign witnesses, to I put a naked, an isolated, an abstract question: ator has reviled not only the slaveholders, but the the effect that it was not unusual to see men Do you believe in the equality of the two races? slaves themselves; but, sir, if even the separation separated from their wives, and children from But, sir, I will vary the question, and put it in were to take place between me and my slaves, and their parents, and that under the operation of the this form-are you willing that the black man my rights and my paternity were to be sacrificed, slave trade between the States, even they were shall participate equally with the white man, in all if to maintain them were at the expense of the selling their own children in the market. Those the social and political benefits of this country? pride, the character, and the honor of this country, are his words. I call upon that Senator to tell me, Mr. GILLETTE. Mr. President, I certainly God forbid that I should ever avail myself of it. to tell the Senate, to tell the world where he ever am willing, yea, desirous, that all men, irrespecie If in assailing the fanaticism of the North, which knew a Southern man to put his own children in ive of color, should have the same rights and the I think worse than the treachery of Judas, I am the market. Yet, sir, if we sit here and, after | enjoyment of the same privileges to work out the driven to assail my own country, I will submit to hearing charges of this kind preferred against us, great problem of their existence; and to "particithat treachery. When the time comes that I open our mouths, we are said to be agitators, or pate equally" in that social equality to which the shall so far forget my duty to my country as to are called to order. A fouler calumny against the gentleman alludes. I do not know, however, by revile her, I ask God to paralyze the tongue that | South was never perpetrated. Name your man, what right it is he questions me on a topic that I does so. Sir, (addressing Mr. GILLETTE,) look wherever he lives, wherever he be; if there be never brought into consideration in the remarks upon that picture, (pointing to the portrait of such a man, and I will join you in the bitterest which I made. I do not see why he should take Washington, which is suspended above the Pres- execrations and denunciations of auch a wretch occasion thus to travel out of the record, and call ident's chair,) I fear you dare not look up to it; as you may feel it in your own heart to bestow me to my feet for that purpose. If I had brought but when the time comes that I shall forget the on him. Yet, sir, you stand upon the floor of the matter of social rights into consideration, there presence of the Father of his Country, and revile the American Senate and read charges of that sort would have been some apology for the interrogathat country for the purpose of ministering to the against Southern men! Where is the man who tory which has been put io me. But I will answer low, the mean, the sordid passions and prejudices will stand up and prove any such charge? I can the Senator on that point, by saying again, that I of fanaticism, may the God who made me sacri- | take the whole speech and prove that more than think “all men are entitled by their Creator to fice ma on an altar purer and better than that. half of it is as ridiculous and as false as that. Il life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness," and
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have the same right to all the privileges, immuni
Mr. PETTIT. Mr. President, I was a mern- This is all that need be said in reference to the ties, and benefits of society, in every department, || ber of the committee who reported this bill; I took | propriety of the bill itself. You impose duties that I have, or that the honorable Senator himself the responsibility of assisting to order its report; upon your marshals, your district attorneys, and has. Is that satisfactory?
I am, therefore, in favor of the bill. I did not, your judges; you denounce penalties for the vio. Mr. JONES, of Tenneseee. It is not satisfac- however, believe it was politic—not to say policylation of your laws, yet you provide no court in tory, and certainly cannot be to any Senator here. \ -o bring up the bill for discussion at so late a which you can enforce those penalties, or in which Sir, I like frankness; and I think, if you would | period of the session. I supposed that it would | those against whom you denounce them can show allow the Senator from Ohio (Mr. Wade) to come involve the whole cycle of the discussion in refer. their innocence or non-liability to your law. No up here and sit by me, he would answer better than ence to the negro, and negro slavery; and espe- || greater solecism could exist in Government, than that. I think he has nerve to say just what he cially the entire review of the Nebraska question, the idea of leaving to foreign tribunals and foreign pleases, and to do what he pleuses, though he dares or the Nebraska debate of last year. I do not jurisprudence the enforcement of the law and the to do a great many things that are wrong. (Laugh- believe that any good will come from a continua- | trial of those who make opposition to it. ter.] These gentlemen will not answer the ques- tion of its discussion, and if I can have the prom- You have compelled, by law, your citizens to tion I put to them, because they are afraid of it. | ise of the Senate that they will now take a vote perform duties; you have imposed upon them pen. It only unveils their duplicity and hypocrisy and end it, I will say no more; or if I can have alties for their non-performance, but you have not when they attempt to answer it, because, the very the promise of the Senate that they will now lay provided a court of your own, in which they may moment they say the black man is on an equal it upon the table for this session, I will agree to be heard and the penalties enforced, or themselves footing with the white man, they strike a fatal say no more.
be screened from ihe penalties. I repeat that this blow at the prejudices of their own part of the Mr. RUSK. I believe every friend of the bill is all the argument that can be legitimately urged country. Let me ask those Senators how they will promise to vote upon it immediately.
upon this bill. There is not another. You owe would be willing, how would the Senator from Mr. PETTIT. Can I get the enemies of the it to your citizens, they have a right to demand it New York be willing to sit side by side with a bill to say that?
at your hands; that wherever you impose an oblicolored man as his coequal in the Senate of the Mr. RUSK. I am not responsible for them. gation, wherever you inflict a penalıy, you shall United States? How would you like to see a col- Mr. PETTIT. Then I cannot take the gentle- | provide a court in which such contesi may be ored man sitting upon the Supreme bench of the man's promise.
decided. United States to advocate the rights and to vindi- Mr. MASON. Will the Senator indulge me in But this debate has taken a wide range. I am cate the honor of this country? How would you one word ?
not disposed to follow the Senator from Connec. like to see them in your Legislatures? How would Mr. PETTIT. Certainly.
ticut (Mr. GILLETTE) in all his mazy dance upon you like to dare go to that desk and vote to con- Mr. MASON. The whole Senate cannot but the subject of negro slavery, and of beating women firm the nomination of a colored man to a foreign see that those who are in favor of the bill have, by and children with ropes, or otherwise. To no man court, as the Representative of this Government? participating in the discussion, given a character could such a scene be more disgusting than to Not one of you is so lost to self-respect as to be to the opposition which it does not deserve, and myself. But there are other questions which have willing to do that; and yet you stand here utter- that they ought to say nothing more. I would, il been brought to our consideration in this discus. ing your lamentations against the wrongs of the therefore, respectfully suggest that if those Sena- sion. A question arose between the Senator from black man, and talk about his rights, and also histors who choose to oppose the bill protract the dis. Ohio (Mr. Wade) and the Senator from Illinois, equality:
cussion, let them be permitted to do it without reply: || [Mr. Douglas,) in reference to the elements that But, sir, that is only one side of the question. Mr. PETTIT. 'That would have been a good were brought into the recent elections, not only in How would you like to bring them into the social | suggestion to have been made two or three hours the West, but in the North, in the free States. I relations of life: How would you like to invite a ago. I proposed the same thing. I insist that a take great pleasure in saying, so far as my judg. black man to your table—to the social table, sur- Senator in favor of the bill should not make three ment and observation are concerned, that I fully rounded by gentlemen? How would you like to or four speeches-that a Senator who had not indorse what the Senator from Illinois said in be found walking Pennsylvania avenue with a participated in bringing it in should not insist on reference to the arguments, the policy, and the colored woman upon your arm? God forbid that being heard three or four times. So far as that is views of the Nebraska men, as they were called. I should be indelicate; but how would you like to concerned, it would have been good policy to have The grounds that they assumed were none other see the daughter of one of your neighbors married pursued then; and the Senator from Virginia || than the right of the people, under our form of to a colored man? How would you like to see might well have suggested it hours ago; but he saw Government, to establish in the Territories, as your son take to his bosom a colored woman? fit not to make the suggestion to anybody but well as in the States, their own domestic instituNow, gentlemen, if you do not mean what you myself; therefore I cannot take his advice. tions. Further, sir, I join with that Senator in say, why do you not say what you mean? If you Mr. MASON. I hope the Senator will not sup- saying, that so far as my judgment and my condo not mean that the negro is equal to the white | pose that I made the suggestion with any desire viction go, the question of Nebraska had nothing man, why consume the time of the United States, io interfere at all with him in pursuing the discus- to do with the result of the election in Indiana. and the time of the Senate, in your lamentation sion. Certainly that was not my intention. I only now aver, and I believe solemnly as I believe that over the wrongs of the colored man, when you made it because he himself suggested that he de- | I exist, that it gave us strength in Indiana—that deny an equality in all the relations of life? You | sired the debate should end.
we got more national Whigs with us in the contest scorn to associate with him. You scorn to make Mr. PETTIT. That I would be very glad to there upon that question, than we lost Democrats him your equal. You scorn, as you would the do, but I know that another Abolition speech or upon it; but that the real ground of defeat in leprosy, a social contact with him. And yet here two is to be made, and that will provoke three or Indiana-—it is said, and it was supposed to be a you are continually, from day to day, urging this four of our friends. Those who have already defeat-was Know-Nothingism, a secret political question forward on the great principle that they spoken three or four times will not be the last to organization for persecuting purposes. are entitled to as many benefits as we are. When take the floor. I cannot be mistaken in this; I Here, Mr. President, allow me to add, further, the Abolition party become honest on that sub- am too conversant with the practice here to be for my own justification, for I saw in a paper from ject, and practice what they preach, I shall have mistaken in regard to it.
Indiana to-day, resolutions that had an existence, some respect for them; but as long as they preach I propose, sir, then, to detain the Senate for a
I presume, as they are in a Democratic paper one thing and practice another l am constrained short time on this subject, and first upon the bill alleged to have been the handiwork of my colto question their sincerity and their frankness. I itself. Why this whole range of debate has been league and my friend from Indiana, as being the have done with this question, sir; I did not mean brought about, no man can tell, but to gratify a expression of his views which they said they had to say this much.
morbid and preconceived determination to re- taken from a New York paper. It is commended Mr. CHASE. I think it is now pretty evident debate the whole question of negro slavery, the as an expression, by at least one of their Senators, that I was right when I first objected to the intro- equality of the races, and every question that can, of his views upon Know-Nothingism. I know duction of this bill to-day. We have consumed by any possibility, be appropriated by you to that no one would be more ready than he to bear a great deal of time on it which might have been hang discussion upon. The bill simply proposen me testimony that I as cordially would indorse appropriated to other business. It is now getting to provide that those charged with violating the those resolutions, and go as far against such a late in the evening, and I move that the Senate | United States laws shall be tried by the courts of political organization as my colleague; but I will adjourn.
the United States. That would seem to be, in it- not dilate upon it, nor upon its effects. Any policy Mr. SUMNER called for the yeas and nays, self, a simple proposition, and one that it is the of a political secret organization which seeks to and they were ordered; and being taken, resulted right of every citizen to demand, and the duty of elevate a man or strike down a man, has now and -yeas 7, nays 30; as follows:
every Government—not only ours, but every shall forever have my utter hatred and contempt. YEAS–Messrs. Brainerd, Chase, Fesseuden, Gillette, other-lo provide. England might as well impose Added to that was the excitement in reference Seward, Sumner, and Wade-7.
duties and denounce penalties, and leave France to what is called the Maine liquor law, a law to NAYS-Messrs. Adams, Badger, Bayard, Bell, Bright, Brown, Butler, Clay, Dawson, Dedge of Wisconsin, Doug.
or Germany to provide courts to enforce those prohibit either the manufacture or sale of spiritlas, Evans, Fitzpatrick, Geyer, Hunter, James, Jones of penalties. The State of Ohio might as well de- ous liquors. Those questions were the ones which Iowa, Jones of Tennessee, Mallory, Mason, Morton, nounce penalties and impose duties and obliga- || carried the election in our State. That the people Pearce, Peltit, Rusk, Sebastian, Shields, Slidell, Thomson
tions upon her citizens, and leave the municipality of Indiana are to-day largely in favor of leaving to of New Jersey, Toucey, Weller, and Wright-30.
of Cincinnati or Cleveland to provide courts to all other people the rights they claim for them. So the Senate refused to adjourn.
inflict penalties for the non-performance of the selves, I entertain not a doubt. Mr. PETTIT. If the honorable Senator from duties so enjoined. You might as well say that Mr. President, another remark has been made Massachusetts, who has been recently elected, you will organize a Government, with power to which struck me as singular, and in regard to it I [Mr. Wilson,] desires the floor, as I understand impose duties and obligations, and to denounce will trespass upon the attention of the Senate for a from a friend ihat he does, I will yield it cheer- | penalties for their non-performance, but that you moment. I confess that whether in their closets fully to him.
will provide no judiciary, no judex, no power to I differ from my friends or not, in their public deMr. WILSON. The Senator from Indiana may inflict those penalties or enforce those obligations bates I do, and with none more than my friend go on. .
Il from Virginia,
(Mr. Mason,) upon the subject of