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330 Cong....20 SESS.
Execution of United States Laws-Debate.
power at all."
State sovereignty. I heard long years ago a Vir- have not got it now. Yet, sir, having said all ing, noon, and night, that “God out of his mere ginia Representative in the other House complain this, I say I am as much of a State-rights man as good pleasure from all eternity elected some to that a sovereign State, and that old Virginia too, can be found. I will take the charter, and see everlasting life, and others to everlasting damnawas not allowed more than five minutes to express where you have yielded to this Government the tion; and all for the glory of God." This I believe, her views. I hear to-day the Senator from Ohio | authority, and where you have reserved it; and and that it applies as well to nations and races of proclaim the sovereignty-the absolute, uncondi- to the utmost farthing will I claim it where the men as to individuals. I am not going to deliver tional sovereignty of Ohio. I heard him proclaim reservation is made, but I will not stultify myself, \ you a discourse upon theology, but I take great that he was in favor of the resolutions of 1798, or render myself ridiculous, by saying that the pleasure in saying that these precepts were early which I suppose from the view he is now taking, States are sovereign arbiters short of a resort to instilled, and the iwig being so bent in early life, ingist that all the States of this Union are absolute,
Arms alone constitute them the sovereign the tree continues so inclined. I as firmly believe unconditional, unrestricted, unlimited sovereign- arbiters. The Autocrat of Russia, the Sublime as I do that I exist, that so far as the disposition ties. Sır, I totally and wholly dissent from that. Porte, any Black Hawk, or any other chieftain of races is apparent, nature designed that certain We are for certain purposes a consolidated Union; that may exist, if he has the power, is the sov. races of men should come upon earth, and that for other purposes there are reserved sovereignties ereign arbiter of all matters. Sovereignty for all for a time they should inhabit it; that upon this and rights.
the main purposes of a nation is in the Union, and quarter such an one should exist, and upon that Allow me to suppose a thing that could possibly not in the separate States. Here you have got to another, and that they might either be improved never exist; that I should be in possession myself, I exercise the power. Here you have to exercise to some extent, or supplanted by a better race; as a prince, as a stadtholder of all the political the influence that will bind you together. Sov- but that if you attempt to make one race out of powers of Virginia. Suppose, in my sovereign | ereign are the States in everything, it is said, and another, it is as impossible, as I have said it would right, I should proclaim to the world that the sov- || yet here we have the power to fix the time, places, || be to change the meanest of animals into the ereign prince of Virginia proclaimed or decreed so and the manner of the election of members of the noblest. and so, and a quizzical man should come to me other House, and to fix the time and manner of Mr. President, I have no lamentation over these and say: " You ciaim to be sovereign; you have the election of the members of this body, yet your things. The decrees of nature are beyond my all the rights vested in you that Virginia has States are sovereign! Sir, no greater absurdity | control. I lament not the disappearance of the now." I reply “Yes, certainly; I am a sove- could possibly be uttered. Here is the error that red man who formerly trod the very ground on reign prince, 1. Well, when are you going to gives us trouble. Yield to this Government the which we now are. It is the order of nature that declare war? A nation has offered you an indig- | power that it actually possesses under the Consti- || he should give way before us. It is the order of nity, or insulted you. " When am I going to tution, and you will have no trouble in the settle- nature that we should occupy it still. No, sir; I declare war! I cannot declare war at all." ment and understanding of this question; but if have no such disposition. If I should see in God's “What! and you a sovereign! Is not that one we say that all power is in the States, then, as a decrees, the doom of my own race written and the of the attributes of sovereignty" “ Well; I can- matter of course, you will find the Senator from end of its duration fixed, I would stand up and say: not declare war at any rate?" If at war, he might | Connecticut, (Mr. Gillette,) and the Senator
“Rest, mortal rest, on God's decree, say to me: “When are you going to make from Ohio, (Mr. WADE,) insisting that the sov
And, thankful, own his power." peace?” “I can never make peace. “When ereign arbitrament is in the States; that they can Let the races have their run. Let them in their are you going to raise an army?” “I can never constitute courts, and can suppress, and annihi- turn be swept from the face of the earth. As well raise an army.” “When are you going to raise | late, and overrule the decisions of the national might I repine at the deluge that the Almighty a navy?” “I can never raise a navy.
" " When
courts. They are sovereign only in things reserved | brought upon the earth. As well, Mr. President, are you going to do the pitiful business of carry. to them, and this Government is sovereign in might I complain of Divine wisdom for having ing the mail ?” “Oh, never; I have no such things that are delegated to it.
written the significant language on the walls of the " When are you going to determ- What then, Mr. President, is delegated to this palace of Belahazzar. As well might I complain ine in your courts of law all the rights of the cit- Government? Is it not delegated to this Gov- because a Daniel was found to interpret it; but, izens arising under foreign treaties, foreign con- ernment to establish a judiciary, and necessarily | though all those things be written in much plainer tracts, foreign alliances?"
“Oh, never, never; I to appoint the officers connected with it, and ne- language than the hieroglyphics and the marks have no such power.” “ Well, are you not a cessarily to protect those officers in the discharge of the shadow finger upon the wall; though they pretty sovereign prince !" (Laughter.]
and the administration of their duties? Not only would not take, it would seem to me, a Daniel to Sir, it is the greatest and the grossest fallacy is it a right, but it is a duty so to do.
interpret them, we are loth to admit the unmisthat ever existed. There is no such thing; no, I Mr. President, this debate has taken a wide | takable destiny of the races of men on the earth will not say there is no such thing, for there is a range, and I shall indulge in a few more remarks. or in our own country. As well might I complain sovereignty in a most limited, shadowy, flickering, The Senator from Ohio asked me whether we had of the downfall of Babylon and Nineveh, of Sodom remaining form in the States, and none other. 1 prohibited the immigration of free negroes into and Gomorrah. As well might I complain of the always prefer, Mr. President, that we should have | Indiana. I replied that we had; that we had | downfall of the Jews and Jerusalem. As well the truth, whether it is wholesome or unwhole- made it a constitutional provision, and that we might I complain of the overthrow of Tyre and some. What are the attributes of sovereignty in | had legal provisions carrying out and enforcing of Sidon. As well might I complain or mourn a nation? The greatest and most glaring is that | that constitution. The Senator said it was a over the obliteration, and bondage, and almost the of levying taxes in the first place, in all their cruel, a harsh, and an inhuman measure. If I subversion of Rome. All these things have hape forms, directly and indirectly. Because you have | recollect rightly those were the words he used. | pened, and if we allowed ourselves to reflect upon a right in the different States to levy taxes directly I hold that it is neither harsh, inhuman, nor an ihe cause, we should not be at a loss to know what upon the people do you say you have a sover- improper law; but, on the contrary, that it is the has produced them. Different races of men coming eignty? Where is the right that pertains to every reverse of all these propositions.
in contact, sir; that was all. In some instances sovereign to levy foreign taxes, or taxes upon First, allow me to say that the people of a State || the attempt was made to amalgamate and unite foreign importation? Sir, it does not exist in the have the right to determine what population shall chem, which always did, and always will prove States; you have no such power; you have sur- be suffered to come among them. "This is reserved an abortive and fallacious thing. In other cases, rendered it and yielded it up to another Govern- to the States. We believed that it was not whole- | different races came into contact, and the stronger ment. Where, I ask you, is that next highest some to us to allow that population to settle, or overpowered and annihilated the other. Such, sir, attribute of sovereignty, to declare war, and com- to inhabit equally with us. The intelligent portion is the true solution of the question. pel your citizens to bare their breasts to the bay of the people of that State believe that it is the Mr. President, what desiroyed Rome? That is onet or the bullet of the enemy, and lend their decree, the will of God, that no two distinct a question that you have heard asked and dig, lives to be sacrificed for the good of the whole. races of men can live upon an equality with each cussed in your schools and your colleges, in Fourth You have no such sovereignty; it does not exist; other in any community. When you talk to me of July orations, and perhaps in the Senate of the you have surrendered it here. So with a dozen about making an Anglo-Saxon or a northern Euro- United States. A thousand answers have been other instances which I might refer to. Where are pean of the African, because he stands upon ped-given, but has the true one ever been given, is the your emblems of sovereignty? Where is your na- estals, or has two arms, or five digits upon each next question? Let me remind Senatore, carrying tional flag of the State? Where is the sovereignty | arm, I tell you that you may as well bid the negro out the view which I have presented, that distinct of the seas that belongs to you? You have sur. | change his color, the leopard change his spots; classes of persons cannot live upon terms of equality rendered it here; yet you say you are a sovereign! || you may as well bid the wild prairie grass become together, in the same country and under the same You have a right to punish a man if he stabs an- timothy or clover, all trees become mountain Government; that Rome, in her course of supposed other, if he steals his money, or if he knocks him oaks, all beasts become lions, the braying ass to or seeming oppression--for I do not hold that that down with his fist or a cudgel, or if he blackens roar like the monarch of the forest. Wilh equal | which appears to be oppressive is always 80his eye; you have a right to punish him, and that prospect of success bid all fowls become eagles; collected together different races under its Governis about the extent of your sovereignty. Show me The boding owl, with his blurred and dim sight, ment. Was it oppressive or wrong that the Jews the emblems of your sovereignty, and the right to and sluggish wing, expand his pinions, and with were held in bondage four hundred years? To exercise them, and then I will admit it, and not unblanched eye, gaze at and ascend to the blazing human vision it would appear so; and by human before. It does not exist, Mr. President.
orb of day at meridian height, with the proud bird wisdom it would have been pronounced wrong; Then all the essentials of sovereignty for national of Jove. One is as possible as the other. Nature but God, for higher purposes, and higher designs, purposes are delegated here, and exist here, and never so designed it.
ordered it so, that they might be restored to the nowhere else. Talk, then, to me no more of it. Now, Mr. President, it is possible, that before I promised land, with more prospects and certainty You might as well say that your city corporations conclude, I shall enunciate some unpleasant and of perpetuity. Rome had pursued a long course are sovereign because they can coinpel the con- disagreeable doctrines, but I beg Senators to con. of conquest, both north and south. She had struction of a jail, or because they can enforce sole themselves with the reflection that I shall not crossed the Mediterranean; she had extended her local penalties, as to say that the States are sov- be long here to repeat them. Sir, I have no lam- | power from the Atlantic ocean to the Red sea, not ereign. They were sovereign, I know, but they entations to make over the dispensations of Provi- l to go any further, upon the whole borders of Afyielded and surrendered that sovereignty, and they ll dence. I was taught early in my catechism, morn- Il rica, north of the mountains of Atlas, upon which 330 Cong....20 Sess.
Execution of United States Laws---Debate.
existed a tawny, a yellow, not a black race, but a rule of Government that the Celt thoroughly dep- | their progeny, I would advise them that slavery distinct race from her own citizens, the Copts recates and despises. He never will be satisfied. was their proper condition. probably. She had conquered, by Scipio, and by 1 doubt not there are many men in England who It may be urged that they suffer hardships Others, hundreds and thousands of those people; || have studied and considered this question; but if | and wrongs. I grant it without hesitation; but she had taken them to Rome and sold them as England knew well the truth, she would dissolve there are hardships and wrongs in every relation slaves. She had gone, by Cæsar and other consuls the ties that exist between the two races; for peace of life, between master and servant; yea, sir, in and proconsuls, to the extreme north of the conti- land harmony can never exist, advantage to both the most endearing relation of our own race, that pent on which she was situated, and had taken can never exist, but disadvantage to both must of husband and wife, that of parent and child. our' ancestors, the ancient Scandinavians, the always exist, while they are under one Govern- There are hardships and wrongs existing in these; ancient Saxons, if you will, the Germans, or by, I ment.
yet, because of their occasional existence, would whatever name you call them, and transplanted Now, Mr. President, we come to speak of our you abolish altogether the relations of husband them to Rome, as slaves.
own country for a short time. Is it possible that and wife, of parent and child? The former you Here, then, she had brought together three dis- the African can live upon an equality with us? Is might abolish, but I doubt very much whether tinct races of people—the Romans, native Sabines || it not philanthropy misdirected to desire such a you could abolish the latter. or Italians, the Africans, and the northern Euro- | thing? The same power that has given him a black Mr. President, in expressing my views upon peans-our own ancestors. As long as she held || skin, with less weight or volume of brain, has this subject, I know they are ultra; I know there those two races in control, and under her power given us a white skin, with greater volume of brain are some men who do not appreciate them, some and subjection as slaves, so long did Rome pros- and intellect; and that we can never live together who cannot, and others who will not. There are per; so long she carried her away, military and | upon an equality is as certain as that no two some who would denounce me, though conscious civil, the world over; so long was there no power to antagonistic principles can exist together at the I am right, if they supposed they could excite compete with her on the earth in war, or in the arts same time. Whai, then, is the condition-the against me some local fanaticism or prejudice; but and sciences; but the Gracchi, and a few that pre- necessary condition—of this race? I say to you, I hold to truth in all its forms, though it hur) me ceded them, no less than those who succeeded | that however the breast of the Senator from Con- || from happiness to misery, though it hurl me from them, clamored, like my friends, the Abolitionists, necticut may throb with humanity and kindness Heaven to the depths of hell. The truth should for the equality of the races; that the slaves of towards the African—and I say to him in all sin- always be uttered, and I feel no greater consciousAfrica, and the slaves of Europe, should be placed | cerity that his sympathies in that respect do not ness of the truth of anything than of the doctrine upon an equality with the ancient Roman citizens. exceed mine, for my feelings would go with him which I have asserted, that only men of the same They had a long persuasion, long excitement, long while my judgment directs me elsewhere—he might | race can live upon an equality; that however appeals to sympathy and to justice, and a long as well fancy that he can make the negro white slightly the race may be tinged, however small the catalogue of grievances committed. The stern as that he can give the negro his mind or mine. | discrepancy or degree of difference, there will exist Romans yielded to fanaticism, and set all the slaves One is no more impossible than the other. There between them in any Government under which free. What was the result? A perfect pandemo- 1 is a barrier set up between us that utterly prevents they may mutually live a corresponding degree of nium from that very hour existed. From that hour || it. I do not wish to repeat the comparison I have discontent and dissatisfaction, and that as the difgreatness existed not in Rome. From that hour ) used before, but as well might you bid the most ference increases between the races, one or the other did weakness, and imbecility, and decay come, || lowly and timid bird soar upward with the ma- will rise to a condition of absolute supremacy. It and nothing was left, in fifty years from that day; | jestic eagle, as bid the lowest race of men come up cannot be avoided. of her physical or moral grandeur. Nothing more to the standard of the highest. They cannot live Sir, I go further than all this. I would throw no was left than now exists, her decayed and decay- | upon an equality with you, I care not what your damper-no cold water, as the saying is—upon the ing monuments, statues, and temples. Sir, the || pretenses or what your exertions.
efforts of the colonizationists. They are attempt. result was inevitable. As soon as you equalize I will not delay the Senate by repeating statis- || ing to colonize the blacks of this continent, and different races of men in one country so soon do ticts; but it cannot be denied that siatistics show are inducing them to return to their native clime. you commence the work of annihilation and de- that in slavery negroes live twenty per centum I would throw no cold water upon such an effort. struction. They had a chaos on earth that was longer, and produce more progeny by twenty It is one of those movements which must necesworse than the contention in Heaven. In my per centum than they do in a state of freedom. | sarily exist. Its supporters deserve no great credit, idea I would be hardly willing to doubt, even upon | There is an abundance of statistics to support this and those who oppose it are entitled to no just the best authority which exists, that Satan him- statement. They show that, if you entertain feel | denunciation; but I wish to give, in a very few self was of a different race from the other inhabit- ings of real philanthropy towards the negro; if | moments, my view of the final result of this underants of Heaven with whom he warred. Races you would give him long life, contentment, and taking. In Liberia they have organized a Republic, cannot, and will not, live together. You, sir, happiness; if you would bestow upon him in the and they have asked us to acknowledge their inde(Mr. Weller in the chair,) taiked to me for greatest degree the power of procreation and the dence, their nationality. For my part I could never days together in the Senate, I listened to it with raising of his successor, you must keep him in see any objection to doing so. "Ii does not follow, pleasure, but I drank of it as much as pleased me, l bondage and servitude as his necessary condi- || if we did, that my friend from South Carolina, or and no more, about civilizing the Indians upon the tion.
any of his connections, or my friend from Georgia, prairie, and raising an army to go against them. Sir, no man regrets more than I do that they or my friend from Connecticut, is to be sent there It was doubted by many Senators whether we are mingled with us. I would to God that no as minister plenipotentiary, and take a formal ought to have an army to keep the white man off || British cupidity and power, or no Yankee grasp- state dinner with the negro President. We acthe red man, or the red man off the white man, || ing should have ever brought them among us; but | knowledge that they have a national independence, but the idea was never broached of raising an army | they are here, and the practical question with the but we do not by that stipulate to keep up all the to keep the two respectively from each other. learned, the wise, and with him who attempts to courtesies of international reciprocity. We are
You want as much to keep the white man from assume the position of a statesman, is, what can under no obligation even to send them a consul, the red man as the red man from the white man. now be best done with them? Sir, all reason and much less a minister plenipotentiary. That must Why, I will not undertake to say, but so it is, | all experience show beyond a doubt, that if you depend upon our own judgment of policy and prowhen different races are brought into contact or would preserve them from destruction you will priety. I never could see the least objection to juxtaposition, so long as there remains one spark keep them in servitude, where some one will have granting their request, though I am certainly someof pride or ambition, or self-respect, so long the an interest in caring for them. It should be the what ultra in my views upon this subject. It is a races will fight until one or the other is annihilated. || policy of all wise Governments to make the mass sovereign and independent State, though it may No man who will look to past history, can shut of their people producers. How will you put not have power to exercise all the attributes of an his eyes to the fact. Sir, you may follow this this maxim into effect without putting this race independent State. thing closer down. I now say to you that to-day in servitude? Does not every man who has at all But while I would not obstruct in the least the the troubles between England and Ireland exist in | observed the negro character, know that he has | efforts which are directed towards colonization; the fact of their being different races. I will not no foresight? He will not lay up for to-morrow; while I would hold up both hands to accomplish attempt to say which is the best, which has the he will follow the literal injunction of the Scrip- || it, and would gladly see it progress; while I would most elevated notions of philanthropy, or moral- tures. It is the only thing which he can under-willingly be taxed until I should be driven into the ity, or propriety; which knows best what form stand, and in it he simply obeys the laws of his very earth, if I could see the last African, the last of Government would be best; who is the best nature, or he would not understand that. It is man tinged with African blood, sent from this conjudge of religion, revealed or natural; but I will his nature to “ take no thought for the morrow." tinent to the land of his fathers, let me say that Bay to you that England and her possessions are In the precincts of Philadelphia, in Moyamensing | such rejoicing would not arise from the idea which governed by the Saxons, and while her Celtic | districi, and in New York, they are constantly 1 rules the emancipationists and colonizationists. subjects in Ireland feel oppressed at her form of dying in squalid misery and wretchedness, as will || Such rejoicing would not result from the expectaGovernment-I will not say but that, as a matter the negro race whenever they are free among us. tion of ever seeing Africa redeemed and regeneraof fact, they are oppressed—it is altogether likely || I hold that, by the written and unwritten law of | ted,or an African Republic established which could that they are, for no race of people ever did, or God and nature, these men when placed in contact have duration and continuance. No, sir; my joy ever can, make a Government that will not seem with us, either by, design, by accident, or by fa- || would be that the races at home in my own counto oppress another race. You cannot make for || tuity, are to be the inferior race. They are in- | try were separated, and that the causes of quarrel, the Indian, in your wild possessions, a Govern- ferior in the free States; it is only a difference of of distrust, and of sacrifice of blood had been rement that will not oppress him. He wants to be degree, not of kind. I say to-day, that, in my moved; but I should look to the future with a cerfree, he would die if he could not be free. He solemn judgment, the slaves in Louisiana, where tain and unerring judgment, as the Indian looks must roam wild and uncontrolled. He must take slavery is supposed to exist in its worst aspect, to the flight of his arrow well aimed at the game. his own personal revenge. The lex talionis is his are in a better and happier condition than the In the round of time that Republic would neceslaw. He will not submit to any other. So when same number of free negroes in Indiana. I do not sarily and inevitably return to the condition of the Saxons, the Scandinavians properly speaking, || entertain a doubt that, if, as a friend of the race, ancient African barbarism. While I deplore the made their will the rule in England, they made I desired them to increase in number, to multiply Il convictions of my mind, and would gladly con
vince my judgment that it were otherwise, I say broad principle. I could as well have predicted, to that stickler for reading the Bible, that man that in two hundred years after Liberia and the before the liberation of the negro in Jamaica, what who believes that the soul can only be saved coasts of western Africa shall cease to receive, his condition would be, as I can tell it now. I || through an understanding of the Christian religion, from among us, their supply of civilized blood- I say here to-day, so that it may be recorded - || through baptism, through a communion with the semi-civilized—civilized as far as it is capable of and let it last two thousand years, if it will-that church militant on earth, that there is a prospect, civilization—in two hundred years or less from two hundred years from the time Liberia shall as the result of slavery, of saving half a million the time all commerce with them shall cease, and cease to receive civilized negro blood from us, that of these negroes, who are free and that belong to we no longer supply them with cultivated and tu- day and that hour she will have returned to her the church, have been baptised, and have partaken tored African blood, to keep up the information || original degradation, ignorance, and barbarism. of the sacrament. I defy the most equeamish among them, they will be utterly degenerated to Mr. President all this trouble grows out of our and the best informed upon this subject to show their former condition of African barbarism. The error and ignorance in reference to the necessary me the ancestor, cousin, neighbor, or friend, who constant quarrels and revolutions in Mexico are condition of things. That is a conclusion that remained in Africa, of any of those who were entirely owing to the contact and attempted equals || cannot be avoided.
brought to this country in slavery, that has, acity of the races. The minor in numbers are seek- Sir, we have a difference existing among some cording to his theory, one earthly or heavenly ing to govern the major; and in five hundred years, of the States. To make the story short, in some prospect of salvation hereafter. Where is bapunless large and fresh supplies of European blood we have no slaves; in others we have slaves. A iism in Africa? Where are your churches? 'I goes into that country, the European race will provision exists among us that the slave of one have told you that Caucasian ministers went become extinct, and Mexico will return to her State shall be surrendered to his owner when he among them long before they came among our ancient Indian condition. escapes into another State. You have passed a
Yet the attempt failed; they could not Sir, if I am right, your attempts at placing the law making it the duty of your judges and mar. inculcate their doctrines; it was a religion the African upon an equality with the European are shals to effect that surrender; and you have acted Africans could not appreciate; and hence it took vain and fallacious. He who has considered these wisely. You have not only acted with a view to no lasting root. things can come to no other conclusion, however peace and harmony among yourselves, but you I have heard gentlemen speak of making Chrisreluctant he may be to utter it, or however certain have acted most kindly towards the negro. I tians of the Indians. You may occasionally get he may be that he is digging his political grave. solemnly affirm that while I hate slavery, and one to go through the form; but if you expect Where are the evidences that the African is not would not myself own a slave, yet, in my judg- ever to make of him an humble Christian, who naturally inferior? What advantages had north- ment, you do a most charitable, kind, and philan- || will get down on his knees every morning, and ern Europe over Africa for attaining civilization, | thropic deed for the negro by returning him to his say he is a poor, miserable, naked being, I will and progressing in the arts and sciences? Do not master. If all the negroes of the South should || hazard my head any day that you can no more those men know, who are acquainted with theo- || to-day leave their masters, and flee, like so many make him a Christian like yourself, than make Jogical history, that the Africans had among them army-worms, to the North, I ask, would it be | yourself a Heathen like him. The Christian reliCaucasian or white bishops of the Christian church philanthropic to leave them to starve, to be chilled gion is one of humiliation and abasement in which long before the Europeans; that churches were by the inclement blast of the North, and to gain you say that you are worthless, and that everyestablished in Africa among the negroes, and your there a scanty subsistence from a scanty employ- || thing good and great comes from a different source. holy religion was preached by its ministers; that ment; or would philanthropy and humanity be That feeling the Indian never can and never will for a brief time it flourished, but that it was like better shown by returning the wanderers to their entertain, though he may go through the form to the comet; it was like the will-o'-the-wisp; it was homes, where the climate, the soil, and the people please a missionary; to suppose anything else is like the candle, when, for a short time, it gives are accommodated to them, and where they can the veriest nonsense in the world. You talk of light about it, but goes out of its own accord. be most happy?
carrying to all the races of the world your instiThus it was with Christianity among the Africans, We have passed a law imposing, upon our lutions, your religion, your arts and sciences. You and thus it has been with every attempt to civilize || judges and marshals the duty of carrying out this can no more do it than you can give to all the races them. Thus will fail every effort to elevate to constitutional compact, this agreement between your color, form, and development. The power our position the man who has not our mental or- the North and the South. What then? It is does not exist. ganization, who has not our volume of brain and alleged that your judges, or marshals, or their Mr. President, whether my discourse has been its various proportions. For the time, for your assistants, have not performed their duty under interesting to any one I cannot say; that it has life and mine, the experiment may have the ap- the law, or that they have performed an excess of been mingled with truth I entertain no doubt at pearance of promise and prosperity; but just as duty; that they have done what they ought not to all. When we shall have learned the true charsurely as time advances, so surely will the races have done in executing the law, and are subject || acteristics of the races, and the demarcation bereturn to their original condition.
to pains and penalties in consequence. What tween them, we shall have less quarrel and dispute Sir, some one might pertly ask how we have reason is there that this Government, which im- | about their dispositions or worth. God destroyed attained this condition? "I simply reply, this was posed that law and that obligation upon them, one race by a deluge; he has destroyed, by his always our condition. I defy any man to point shall not provide for them a court in which the own means, city after city, which his physical to the authentic history which shows that time or wrong alleged to have been committed shall be laws had forbidden to exist. The violation or period when our race was not as civilized and as heard, adjudicated, and redressed? Sir, it is our those laws brought destruction upon them. So it cultivated as now. Go back, if you will, to the solemn duty to provide that court. I regret to must be with all attempts to amalgamate and time of the Jews, or to the earliest period of which say, that I fear the disposition of others to talk | equalize these races; one must be, and will be, the you have any reliable record, and you will
find even longer than I have talked, may prevent the superior, and the other the inferior. them then as learned and intelligent as now. Turn ccomplishment of that. desirable object during Mr. President, for the reasons I have explained, to the earliest writings of Moses, long anterior to this session.
because I or my predecessors have imposed upon Solomon, and to David; read the languageof Abra- Mr. President, in what I have said I may have | officers of this Government the performance of ham, Isaac, and Jacob, as there recorded. It is given utterance to some words and ideas not pal- || certain duties that are as necessary to our national declared to-day, by the best linguists, to be the || atable to all my friends in the Senate, or to all existence as bread and meat to our individual ex. most perfect composition in the world. Go, if you those who have listened; but I would to God every istence, I would go further, and pass a law pro. will, to the erection of Babylon, or to Nineveh, one of my countrymen understood this question viding a court, under this Government, for the where Layard has recently been laboring in re- as I think I understand it; and though his heart trial of these men when they are supposed to viosearch; go, if you will, to Jerusalem; and lask if, | might sicken at the idea of slavery, though he might | late our law. in arts or sciences, in sculpture or engraving there prefer rather to have lost his existence than that, Mr. WILSON. Mr. President, I have no desire is anything now to compare with what theu ex- Great Britain, or New England-England old or to mingle in this excited and angry debate, which isted? Our sace, from the earliest history which New-should have transplanted that people here; has so unexpectedly sprung up; but the tone and we possess, has always been civilized. You may though he might loathe slavery, and believe it a temper of the remarks which the Senator from speak of the wilds of Scandinavia, if you will. It curse to his race; though he might think it will Tennessee (Mr. Jones] has seen fit to indulge in is true the country was not greatly improved; but produce no lasting good to mankind, yet, if he towards my friend from Connecticut, [Mr. Gilthe people were highly cultivated, as is shown by understood this subject as I think I understand it, LETTE,) and the extraordinary language he has their architecture, their arts and sciences. It is he would not hesitate to advise the runaway negro, ) applied to Senators from my section of the Union, true, as you may say, that we have learned a few as a runaway of old was advised, to return to his should not be permitted to pass unnoticed. Sir, things since that time. We have learned to pro- master. I would invoke of his master kindness, the Senator from Tennessee, with bitterness of pel upon water the steamboat, and upon land the charity, humanity, and good feeling; but I would manner, has denounced the Senator from Conrailroad car; we have learned to whisper to our say to the negro to-day, if he asked my advice, necticut, and other Senators who oppose this friends by the wire that carries the lightning; but “Šir, if you desire to live long; if you desire to have measure, as a " little band of traitors,"men who I am not quite certain that we, of this day, have | happy progeny; if you desire to be the parent of are "treacherous” to their country. This is not lost a thousand valuable acquirements known a long line of succession; if you desire, not only extraordinary language, Mr. President, to apply to the ancients—the Jews, the Babylonians, and your own prosperity, but the perpetuity of your to honorable Senators upon this Noor for acting in the Ninevites. But, sir, look at the negro race. race, you will return to slavery, the most happy | accordance with their convictions of public duty. When or where were they civilized? Their only and prosperous condition which your race can That Senator may, if he chooses, class me with civilization has been gained by contact with us, attain."
"the little band of traitors,” for I assure him, the and that polish will remain as long as that contact Mr. President, the religion, the morality of this | Senate, and the country, that I shall not shrink, continues—no longer. It will rust and decay; the relation is brought into question. The shutting | in this hour of their weakness, from standing side race will return to its native sloth and degradation. Il of the Bible, by forbidding them to read it, and by side with men who, amid obloquy, sneers, and
I do not deem it necessary to point to passing the sacrifice of all hopes of Heaven, are charged reproaches, have faithfully and fearlessly vindihistorical events, such as the liberation of the to southern men. I am not their defender; they cated the sentiments of the freemen whose reprenegro in the islands of the South, in Jamaica. It can defend themselves; I am simply vindicating sentatives they are. Sir, the honorable Senator is a matter totally unimportant. I argue upon the my own views and my own ideas. 'Let me say Il from Tennessee would do well to remember that 330 Cong....20 Sess.
Erecution of United States Laws—Debate.
the Senators to whom he has applied such language we have a clear, undoubted, constitutional right to The Senator from Illinois (Mr. Douglas) prorepresent on this floor the opinions of at least one abolish slavery here, and we mean to do it. Yes, nounces all the Abolitionists disunionisis. If he million of the intelligent voters of the Republic, sir, we intend to do it, by securing a majority in means to include men who think as I think, and and that they are sustained by the action of fifteen this Senate and in the House of Representatives, act as I act, I beg leave to say to that Senator that Bovereign States. Cheered by the approving voice and voting you gentleman of the South down. he mistakes us altogether. of the people and by the consciousness of growing We propose to do it in no spirit of unkindness, Mr. DOUGLAS, I have a letter in my pospower, the Senators he has launtingly denounced and we do not believe that you will dissolve the session, written from Boston, indulging in the will not be deterred by epithets, no matter how | Union if we repeal the laws, under color of which, most-I will not say fulsome-terms, of the Senprofusely he may apply them, from the vindication women may be dragged along the streets of the ator from Massachusetts, just elected, in which of their cherished convictions. I intend to tell you, national capital.
the chief merit urged is that upon the question of gentlemen of the South, where we of the North Then, sir, we believe that over the Territories the diesolution of the Union that Senator would stand upon this exciting and disturbing question of the United States we have absolute power and prove himself a man. of slavery, and what we purpose to do. I intend || jurisdiction. I wish to read to you from a sound Mr. WILSON. All I have to say is, that I to deal frankly with you in regard to this question Democratic authority on this point, and you know never uttered a word in my life to warrant such in which you and your people are so deeply in- | in my State the tendency is towards Democracy. an assertion. Sir, I make no pretensions to any terested.
I hold in my hand resolutions written by the chair- peculiar devotion to the Union over other men; Sir, I have not an unkind word to utter towards man of the National Democratic Committee of but if I know myself, I would sacrifice all of life my friends from the South. God knows I have the United States, the Hon. Benjamin F. Hallett, and of hope to maintain and perpetuate the Union not an unkind feeling in my heart towards them a gentleman of talents and national reputation, or of these States. From boyhood I have dreamed or those whom they represent. I trust that I have he would not have been placed in a position 30 of a glorious destiny for my country. I have a heart large enough to embrace in its affections | high-a gentleman who was appointed district al- wished to see the Aag of the Union wave in peacethe whole country, and every man that breathes torney by the present Administration. And, sir, ! ful triumph over the North American continent, the air or treads the soil of the Republie, be that this Administration leans upon his arm to support over a Confederacy of free Commonwealths. I man black or white. I have no war to make, and it in that section of the country. I will read one have so much faith in Democratic ideas, so much those whom I represent have no war to make upon or two of these resolutions; and I wish to say confidence in the people, that I have no fears from Senators from the South or the people of the South. || that, in regard to them, there is in Massachusetts the annexation of territory and the extension of To me, sir, the proudest master and the lowliest hardly a dissenting yoice. At the time they were the boundaries of the Republic. bondman are alike brethren and fellow-country- || written and adopied, Mr. Hallett was chairman The Senator from Illinois (Mr. Douglas) has
of the National Democratic Committee, and chair- undertaken here to-night to denounce all of us of Sir, I believe, and the people of Massachusetts man of the State Committee of Massachusetts. the North, whom he is pleased to call Abolitionbelieve, that slavery is a violation of the holy | They were passed on the 19th of September, 1849. | ists, as Disunionists. Now, sir, in my judgment, commands to love our neighbor, and to do unto Mr. BENJAMIN. Where?
no part of the Confederacy is more devoled to the others as we would that others should do unto us. Mr. WILSON. In the State Democratic Con- Union than the State I have the honor in part to I tell you, frankly, that we of Massachusetts are vention at Springfield on the 19th of September, i represent. I believe that in my State the opinion unalterably opposed to African slavery in Amer- || 1849. They were published in the Boston Post, in favor of the Union approaches unanimity: We ica, and we are in favor of all practicable efforts. the leading Democratic organ of New England, respond, with all our hearts, to the words of Daniel for its entire abolition. But we do not propose to then, and now, edited by Colonel Greene, a gen- Webster, uttered on this floor more than twenty interfere with slavery in the States. We believe tleman who was appointed navy agent by the years ago: “Liberty and Union, now and forever, that slavery in the states is a local institution, present Administration:
one and inseparable!” But we mean liberty and that we are not responsible for its existence, and “ Resolved, That we are opposed to slavery in every form Union. The voting anti-slavery men of Massathat we have no legal authority to interfere with it and color, and in favor of freedom and free soil wherever chusetts will not be frightened from their advocacy in any way whatever. I am content to leave man lives throughout God's heritage."
of impartial liberty by threats, made here or elseslavery to the people of the States where it exists. Sir, the people of Massachusetts most heartily | where, to dissolve the Union. These menaces I recognize the Democratic doctrine of State- | respond to this resolution, proposed by the chair- || have no terrors for us. We know that the people Rights in its application to slavery as well as to man of the National Democratic committee, and will stand by the Union even if slavery should be other local affairs, and while I have a seat in this adopted by, six hundred Massachusetts Demo- | abolished. Chamber I shall resist all attempts to encroach crats with shouts of applause:
But the Senator from Illinois tortures our exupon the reserved rights of the sovereign States of " Resolved, That by common law and common sense, as pressions of confidence in the stability of the the Union. I will stand side by side with my well as by the decision of the Supreme Court of the United Union into designs on our part to plot for its disDemocratic friends in vindication of the Virginia States, (in Prigg vs. Pennsylvania, 16 Peters,) the state of slavery is a mere municipal regulation, founded upon
solution. Sir, the Senator has asserted what he and Kentucky Resolutions of 1798 and 1799, and limited to the verge of the territorial law,' that is, the
cannot believe. That Senator understands the which they endorsed at Baltimore in 1852. limits of the State creating it.
sentiments of the people of the northern Stales I will tell you, Mr. President, just what our “ Resolved, therefore, That, as slavery does not exist by quite too well to mean anything like that. The position is in Massachusetts. We stand upon the
any municipal law in the new Territories, and Congress State of Ohio gave seventy thousand majority, at impregnable basis of the Constitution of the United | authorizing slavery can never be transported there, nor can
the last election, against his Nebraska bill. Does States. We do not propose to encroach upon the slavery exist there but by a local law of the Territories, the Senator believe the intelligent people of Ohio, rights of our southern brethren, but we claim that, sanctioned by Congress, or the legislative act of a State in who gave that majority of seventy thousand-or under the express authority of the Constitution of its sovereign capacity.”
eighty-four thousand, as the Senator at my side the United Siates, we have ample power to abolish Now, sir, we, in Massachusetts, agree with (Mr. Chase) reminds me—are enemies of this slavery in the District of Columbia. We of Mas- | these resolutions. We believe we have the power Union? He knows they would shed their blood sachusetts, and of the free States, are responsible to abolish slavery in all the Territories of the this day quite as freely as he himself, or any other for the existence of human slavery here in the Union; that, if slavery exists there, it exists by the Senator, io perpetuate the Union. The great State National capital. Slavery exists here by the au- permission and sanction of the Federal Govern- of New York gave an almost uncounted majority thority, or rather by the permission of Congress; I ment, and we are responsible for it. We are in in opposition to the Nebraska bill. Does the Senand the people of New England, of the central favor of its abolition wherever we are morally or ator believe that the intelligent freemen of New States, and of the West, are as responsible for its legally responsible for its existence.
York are opposed to this Union? The State I existence as are the sons of Maryland and Vir- We of Massachusetts believe the fugitive slave | represent on the floor of the Senate gave more ginia whose ancestors planted it here.
act of 1850 an inhuman and unconstitutional enact- than one hundred thousand inajority against the My friend from Connecticut (Mr. GILLETTE) re- ment, and we are in favor of its immediate and Nebraska bill at the last election. I do not know ferred to the shocking and brutal sight of a woman unconditional repeal. The extradition of fugitives one disunionist among them all. Hundreds of the led by a man on horseback along the streets near from labor should be left to the States, where we men the Senator pronounces hostile to the Union the Capitol, with a rope fastened around her body. believe the Constitution leaves it. I assure Sen- have periled their lives and shed their blood in
Senator from Tennessee (Mr. JONES) poured ators from the South that we do not propose to defense of the country. dignation for calling the attention of the country, | States; but we are in favor of abolishing it wher- | The Senator from Illinois has been pleased to say and the world, to that degrading spectacle, wit- ever it exists under the jurisdiction of Congress--to here that, in his opinion, Know-Nothingism has nessed by the wife of a New England Senator, banish the question from the Halls of national swept the northern States, and not opposition to and several other ladies. Sir, that spectacle was i legislation.
the Nebraska bill. It is not my purpose to underwitnessed in North Capitol street only a few days I believe, conscientiously, that if slavery should rate the power and influence of the organization to ago, while the Representatives of the free States, be abolished by the National Government in the which he refers. I will say to that Senator, how. who have majorities in both Houses of Congress, District of Columbia, ard in the Territories, the ever, that the first State to vote after the introducwere in session. The laws under which that fugitive slave act repealed, the Federal Govern- tion of the Nebraska bill was the President's own woman was dragged through the streets of the ment relieved from all connection with, or respon- State. It was my fortune to travel more than one capital of the Republic, may be repealed by Con- sibility for the existence of slavery, these angry thousand miles in that, my native State, a few gress. The people of the free States know that debates banished from the Halls of Congress, 1 days preceding the election. I know something they are responsible for the existence of laws under and slavery left to the people of the States, that of the sentiments and wishes of the people, and I which this degrading act was perpetrated. Sir, | the men of the South who are opposed to the say that the supporters of the Administration did do you think the men who read God's holy worú existence of that institution, would get rid of it in not dare in New Hampshire to defend the Newill silence the voice of conscience, and the holiest their own States at no distant day. I believe braska bill. They denied it to be an issue in the and noblest impulses of their hearts, and lamely | that if slavery is ever peacefully abolished in this canvass, and by so doing they saved themselves permit this national ground to be dishonored by country and I certainly believó it will be—it must from utter defeat, but they were not able to secure such scenes? Sir, we of the free States feel that be abolished in this way.
the Legislature of the State, so as to elect their 330 Cong....20 Sess.
Execution of United States Laws--Debate.
Senators. The State of Connecticut voted early with you. And we intend to send men into these Mr. WILSON. I have confidence in the fidelity in April. I do not believe there was then a single Halls who will truly represent us and deal justly of the people of Massachusetts to the obligations man, in either of these States, whom you might with you. We mean, sir, to place in the councils imposed upon them by the Constitution of the designate as a Know-Nothing. So far as my own of the nation men who, in the words of Jefferson, United States. State is concerned, although the Know-Nothing “have sworn on the altar of God eternal hostility Mr. RUSK. Will the honorable Senator allow party as he calls it—the American party-have to every kind of oppression of the mind and body me to interrupt him a moment? As he is explain. iaken no position on the subject of slavery at ail, of man. Yes, sir, we mean to place in the na- ing the opinions of a new party, which will be yet the sentiment of that State approaches una- tional councils men who cannot be seduced by important for good or evil, I'desire to ask him a nimity, and I do not know of a Nebraska man in the blandiahments, or deterred by the threats of few questions. First, does that party regard the the Legislature, and I am sure there is not a Ne- power; men who will fearlessly maintain our States and their citizens as equal in rights under braska man in the delegation of the House, and principles. I assure Senators from the South the Constitution? on the floor of the Senate we are a unit upon that that the people of the North entertain for them Mr. WILSON. So far as I know the sentimeasure. (A voice. “No doubt about that."] and their people no feelings of hostility; but they ments of the members of that party, they regard As to the organization of the American party, in will no longer consent to be misrepresented by the sovereign States of this Union as equals under some sections it has had influence in favor of free- their own representatives, nor proscribed for their the Constitution. This is the true American dom, in other sections it has been hostile to free- fidelity to freedom. This determination of the doctrine; and I certainly think they will go for the dom.
people of the North has manifested itself during equality of the citizens of all the States. Mr. DOUGLAS. The Senator says that in the past few months in acts not to be misread by Mr. RUSK. I desire to ask him another ques. some sections they have been in favor of freedom, || the country. The stern rebuke administered to tion, although I assure him I am reluctant to and in other sections hostile, Will he show me faithless northern representatives, and the annihi- | interrupt him. Does that party recognize the where they have supported a Nebraska man in lation of old and powerful political organizations, right in Congress to exclude, either directly or any one district of America ?
should teach Senators that the days of waning indirectly, the citizens of any State from equal Mr. WILSON. I understand they elected a power are upon them. This action of the people rights of person and property'in any of the Ter, Nebraska man in your district, sir, (Mr. Geyer teaches the lesson, which I hope will be heeded, || ritories of the United States ? in the chair,) and defeated Colonel Benton, who that political combinations can no longer be suc- Mr. WILSON. So far as the party with which was opposed to the Nebraska bill.
cessfully made to suppress the sentiments of the I act in Massachusetts is concerned, it has never Mr. DOUGLAS. I am speaking of the free people,
taken any position upon this subject; but I will States. Have they been for Nebraska men for Mr. BENJAMIN. I should be exceedingly say that I do not know a man in the ranks of that the Legislature, or for Congress, in any district unwilling to disturb the course of the Senator's party who does not believe that the Congress of in the free States ?
argument, or interrupt his speech; but, as he is the United States alone has the power to legislate Mr. WILSON. I cannot speak for districts giving us what certainly is very interesting to the for those Territories, and that nobody has a right out of my own State. I should regret to hear that country, an exposition of those views which he to carry a slave there and keep him in bondage any adherent of the American party supported | entertains, and of which he is the exponent on this without the permission of Congress. In my opinthe Nebraska bill.
floor, wouid the Senator be kind enough to state- ion, Congress has no right to establish slavery in Mr. DOUGLAS. Did they in your own State? | that we may understand fully his views and those the Territories, or to allow the people to establish
Mr. WILSON. No, sir. I beg leave to tell of his party–whether, in conformity with the it. the Senator from Illinois we cannot run any other | principles of that party, if a Territorial organiza- Mr. RUSK. My question is answered. than an anti-Nebraska man and get any votes. tion were now superseded by a State constitution Mr. WILSON. I have spoken, Mr. Presi. [Laughter.)
in any of the Territories of this Union, and, by dent, in no spirit of unkindness towards our fellowThe Senator from Indiana (Mr. Pettit) has || that conetitution, the people of the State should citizens of the South, of the sentiments, feelings, made a long argument to-night to prove the infe- adopt slavery as one of their domestic institutions, and purposes of the people of the North., I do riority of the African race. Well, sir, I have no it would be consistent with his principles to admit not refer to the action of political parties. I refer contest with the Senator upon that question. I that State into the Uuion with that constitution ? to the people without distinction of party. Party do not claim for that race intellectual equality; but Mr. WILSON. I will answer the Senator combinations are not strong enough to repress the I say to the Senator from Indiana that I know frankly. I stand here ready to answer any ques- utterance, or to control the action of the people men of that race who are quite equal in mental tions put by the Senator from Louisiana, or any aroused at last to the vindication of their rights. power to either the Senator from Indiana or myself other Senator. The party with which I act is a If politicians here, or elsewhere, believe they can men who are scarcely inferior, in that respect, new organization. It has, so far as I know, in make any political combinations that shall ignore to any Senators upon this floor. But, sir, sup- Massachusetts, and in all the other States, never the issues forced upon the people of the free pose the Senator from Indiana succeeds in estab- || expressed any opinions or assumed any position States, I tell them frankly thai they will ignominlishing the inferiority of that despised race, is on the question of slavery. I cannot, therefore, iously fail. The people of the North are beginmental inferiority a valid reason for the perpetual speak for it. The members of that party in my | ning to realize the responsibilities and duties imoppression of a race? Is the mental, moral, or own State, in their individual capacity, would be posed upon them by the condition of the country. physical inferiority of man a just cause of oppres-decidedly opposed to the admission of slave States They feel that the hand of proscription has been sion in republican and Christian America "Sir, into the Union.
laid upon them, and they will no longer consent to is this Democracy? Is it Christianity? Democ- Mr. BENJAMIN. I shall trouble the Senator be proscribed for holding opinions sanctioned by racy cares for the poor, the lowly, the humble, il with one more question, if he will permit me. I patriotism, humanity, and religion. Democracy demands that the panoply of just and will ask that Senator if, frankly and conscien- These sentiments and opinions are the matured equal laws shall shield and protect the weakest of riously, he believes that, in the event of the repeal convictions of my judgment, and while I have a the sons of men. Sir, these are strange doctrines of the fugitive slave law, the State and people of seat in this Chamber I shall adhere to them with to bear uttered in the Senate of republican Amer- Massachusetts would adopt effective measures by fidelity, and support them with firmness. I hope ica, whose political institutions are based upon the which fugitive slaves from the South would be at all times to meet honorable Senators from the fundamental idea that “all men are created equal. captured and returned to their owners ?
South in a spirit of kindness and conciliation; but If the African race is inferior, this proud race of Mr. WILSON. I believe that if the fugitive no fear of denunciation, reproach, or ridicule, here ours should educate and elevate it, and not deny | slave act should be repealed the Commonwealth or elsewhere, no hope of personal influence or to those who belong to it the rights of our com- of Massachusetts will fulfill her constitutional ob-political power, will ever deier me from the vindimon humanity.
ligations, but she will do it in her own way, so as cation of opinions which my heart and conscience The Senator from Indiana boasts that his State to protect fully the rights of every man within her approve. imposes a fine upon the white man that gives | jurisdiction.
Mr. WELLER. I have listened to every word employment to the free black man. I am not Mr. BENJAMIN. I fear the Senator may that has been said by the honorable Senator from surprised at the degredation of the colored people | think that these interrogatories are unfair encroach- Massachusetts, (Mr. Wilson,) and I desire now of Indiana, who are compelled to live under such ments upon his time, and I shall not push them, if to propound to him an inquiry, which may, by inhuman laws, and oppressed by the public senti- | they are unpleasant to him.
some, be considered impertinent, but which I ment that enacts and sustains them. I thank Mr. WILSON. Not at all, sir; I am ready to hope he will not so consider.
I am not aware God, sir, Massachusetts is not dishonored by such answer.
that, in the course of the remarks which he has laws! In Massachusetts we have about seven Mr. BENJAMIN. I should like to understand made to the Senate, he has in any way indicated thousand colored people. They have the same if, under his own convictions, under the principles the manner in which he proposes to vote. The rights that we have; they go to our free schools, entertained by those whom he represents, or by question before the Senate is whether he is in favor they enter into all the business and professional | the population of the State of Massachusetts, he of a bill which shall procure a faithful and just relations of life, they vote in our elections, and in really believes that, in the event of the repeal of enforcement of the fugitive slave law, among the intelligence and character are scarcely inferior to the fugitive slave law, a fugitive slave would be other laws of the United States. That is the questhe citizens of this proud and peerless race whose captured and restored io his southern owner, under | tion, and I should like to have the opinion of the superiority we have heard so vauntingly pro- any circumstances ?
Senator from Massachusetts on that; because it claimed to-night by the Senators from Tennessee Mr. WILSON. I certainly cannot say what may guide my action in the vote which I am to (Mr. Jones) and Indiana, (Mr. Pettit.]
Massachusetts would do, under any circumstances | give here. Will the Senator be good enough to Now, sir, I assure Senators from the South, | that may happen. But I will say that, in my inform us whether he proposes to vote for the bill that we of the free States mean to change our judgment, she would fulfill the obligations which or not? policy, I tell you, frankly, just how we feel and the Constitution imposes upon her.
Mr. WILSON. Mr. President, I did not say just what we propose to do. We mean to with- Mr. BENJAMIN. That is a satisfactory an- how I intended to vote; and I am sure of one draw from these Halls that class of public men
thing, gentlemen will certainly discover when the who have betrayed us and deceived you; men Mr. WELLER. Yes, if they would only do yeas and nays are called; but I answer the Sena. who have misrepresented us, and not dealt frankly Il it; I do not believe they would. (Laughter.j ior now, frankly and candidly, I intend to vote