day of this month. The third article of the treaty provided that, immediately after the ratification of the treaty by the National Assembly, sitting at Bordeaux, the German troops should immediately quit the interior of Paris. The ratification of the treaty was had on Wednesday evening, and the fact was telegraphed immediately to Mr. Jules Favre. At 6 o'clock on the next morning he left for Versailles to demand, in conformity to its provisions, the immediate evacuation of the interior of Paris. The German headquarters, however, refused to receive the telegraphic intelligence as conclusive evidence of the fact of ratification, and insisted upon a regularly certified copy of the proceedings of the National Assembly. It was not until 11 o'clock on Thursday morning that the special messenger arrived from Bordeaux with a regularly certified copy of the proceedings of the assembly ratifying the treaty, and at half past 12 Mr. Jules Favre, then armed with the official documents, again proceeded to Versailles to claim the exchange of ratifications. But it was not until 9 o'clock on that evening (Thursday) that the details for the evacuation were regulated by the French and German military authorities. It was agreed that the evacuation should commence the next (Friday) morning at 8 o'clock, and terminate at 11. The German troops commenced moving out at the appointed time, marching up the Champs Elysées and passing under the Arch of Triumph, with great cheering. At 11 o'clock precisely, the last German soldier passed through the gate of the Porte Maillot, and Paris breathed free. During the occupation there was a good deal of excitement in that portion of the city occupied by the German troops, but there was no serious disturbance anywhere. Indeed, everything passed off much better than could have been anticipated. No sooner were the troops fairly on their way out of the city than the closed stores, cafés, restaurants, and hotels threw open their doors, the avenue Champs Elysée was swept and sprinkled, and the magnificent fountains in the Place de la Concorde began to play. At 3 o'clock in the afternoon (the day was splendid) all. the invested part of the city, which had for two days been under the guise of a funeral pall, presented a most gay and cheerful aspect, and the people looked far happier than I had seen them for many long months. I have, &c., No. 113. E. B. WASHBURNE. No. 389.] Mr. Washburne to Mr. Fish. LEGATION OF THE UNITED STATES, Paris, March 15, 1871. (Received March 31.) SIR: In my dispatch numbered 376, I had the honor to state that my efforts to secure protection for American apartments and property, during the occupation of Paris, would be made the subject of a further communication. You will recall to mind that, on the 29th of August last, looking to possibilities, I telegraphed and wrote to you, suggesting whether you would not ask the German government to protect American property in Paris, in the event its army reached here. In your dispatch numbered 158, dated August 30, 1870, yon state that "instructions will be forwarded by this day's post to Mr. Bancroft, to ask that in the event of the occupation of Paris by the German force, American property may be respected." In your dispatch numbered 190, dated October 18, 1870, you state that Mr. Bancroft was "instructed to ask that proper measures be taken by the government of North Germany for the protection of American property in Paris, in the event of the occupation of that city by the German forces." In reply Mr. Bancroft states, in his dispatch No. 143, dated September 29, 1870, that he had addressed to the secretary of foreign affairs a request that measures might be taken for the protection of the large amount of American property in Paris, upon its occupation by the German troops, and concludes as follows: "I append a translation of the reply of Mr. Von Thile conveying the desired assurances.” Notwithstanding the somewhat non-committal character of Mr. Von Thile's letter to Mr. Bancroft, Mr. Bancroft understood it, as I presume you did, and as I certainly did, that American property in Paris would be respected by the German troops in the event of their occupation of the city. As soon as it was officially announced that a certain number of German soldiers were to enter Paris, and as they were to occupy that portion of the city where the greatest number of Americans resided, I lost no time in addressing Count de Bismarck on the subject. A copy of my letter to him I send you herewith. In view of Mr. Von Thile's letter, and of the fact that French soldiers had not been billeted on Americans, I felt entirely confident that the German soldiers would not be quartered in American apartments. Although I sent my letter to Count Bismarck by a special messenger on the day on which it was written, I received no answer from him until eight o'clock on the evening of the 3d of March, nine hours after the last German soldier had left the city. A copy of that answer I inclose herewith for your information. On the day of the entry of the Germans into Paris the legation was filled by people who had charge of American apartments, and who had come to claim my protection for them, stating that the German soldiers had been billeted on them by direction of the mayor of Paris. I must confess I was somewhat surprised that the mayor of Paris had given such an order, as none had ever been enforced billeting French soldiers upon Americans. It now appears that the mayor, or his subordinates, had undertaken to quarter as many German soldiers as possible on foreigners, particularly Americans, and spare their own people. I immediately made an appeal to German officers, in view of what I considered the meaning of Mr. Von Thile's letter to Mr. Bancroft, that American property should be respected, not to quarter their soldiers in the apartments of my countrymen. As they had no order on the subject they did not consider themselves bound to conform to the suggestion of Mr. Von Thile's letter, but in many instances, upon a statement of the case, they did not insist upon going into American apartments, but found lodgings elsewhere. In other instances they went in under threats of using force unless the apartments were opened to them, although the American flag was in all cases displayed, and the persons in charge had papers from me certifying that the property belonged to Americans, and was entitled to be respected as such. Occupying the apartments for so short a time, and upon full explanation of the ownership of the property, and upon an earnest request that it should not be damaged, I am happy to say that scarcely any injury has been inflicted upon a single apartment. I made it a matter of complaint to Mr. Jules Favre that the mayor of Paris had billeted so many of the German soldiers in the American apartments while so large a number of the French apartments had been spared. He expressed great regret at such being the case, and said the condition of things had come upon them so suddenly that everything had been done in great confusion, and that if any damage whatever happened to Ainerican property by the German troops, all such damage should be scrupulously paid for. But no claim for damages has yet been put in, and you can well imagine my relief in finding, at the end of the war, and after all the danger and tribulations through which we have passed in Paris, that out of American property estimated from seven to ten millions of dollars, the damages by the casualties resulting from the state of war does not amount to $500, excepting always the horses which were taken by requisition for food, at a stated price per pound, and not according to values. I have, in this dispatch, gone over the matter somewhat at length. While fortunately, as I have stated, no particular damage was done to American property by the German troops during their stay in Paris, you will be able to judge how far the Count de Bismarck was disposed to carry out what you must have understood to be the views expressed by Mr. Von Thile to Mr. Bancroft. The occupation of the American apartments by the German troops was but for two days, and not followed by any material damage, but, had such occupation been, as it might have been, for six months, excluding the proprietors from their apartments, and attended by the destruction of furniture belonging thereto, I take it a grave question must have arisen as to reclamation for damages sustained by the subjects of a friendly neutral power. Count de Bismarck having observed in his letter to me that the military authorities, obliged to provide quarters, could not be expected to enter into researches about proprietorship of houses, or relations between landlord, tenant, and occupant, it is evident that he had overlooked that portion of my letter in which it was stated that the proprietors of nearly all the American property in Paris had been provided by me with protection papers, and authorized to display the American flag. Every American apartment, therefore, that was entered by German troops, was known to be American property by the German offi cers. I have, &c., E. B. WASHBURNE. Count de Bismarck to Mr. Washburne. VERSAILLES, February 28, 1871. SIR: I had the honor of receiving your letter of yesterday's date on the subject of the forthcoming entry of German troops into Paris. In answer I beg to say, in confirmation of the letter of Baron Thile, of September 28, that the German troops, as a rule, respect private property, and that any of the exigencies of war necessitating a deviation from that rule is not likely to arise during the intended partial occupation of Paris. Respecting the billeting of soldiers, how desirons soever we are to exempt or alleviate citizens of friendly states, who have their domicile or residence in France, I cannot acknowledge a claim to such exemption as founded in international law, landed property and tenements of aliens not bearing any character exterritoriality. I also beg to observe that the military authorities who have to provide quarters cannot be expected to enter into researches about proprietorship of houses, or relations between landlord, tenant, and occupant. I have, &c., V. BISMARCK. Mr. Washburne to Count de Bismarck. PARIS, February 27, 1871. SIR: In view of the official announcement that a certain number of the German troops are to enter Paris on Wednesday next, to remain for some time, and of the fact that the part of the city in which they are to be quartered contains a very great number of apartments of American citizens, and a large amount of American property, I beg leave to call the attention of your excellency to the correspondence upon this subject between Mr. de Thile and Mr. Bancroft. I have the honor to inclose a copy of Mr. de Thile's letter in reply to Mr. Bancroft, who had applied on behalf of my Government to have American property in Paris respected in case of the entry of the German troops. As fear has been expressed by some of my countrymen that German soldiers might be quartered in their apartments, I have thought proper to call your attention to this subject, to the end that such action may be taken by the North German military authorities as would carry out the purposes expressed by Mr. de Thile. The proprietors of nearly all the American property in Paris have been provided by me with protection papers and anthorized to display the American flag. I take this opportunity, &c., E. B. WASHBURNE. No. 390.J No. 114. Mr. Washburne to Mr. Fish. LEGATION OF THE UNITED STATES, Paris, March 17, 1871. (Received March 31.) SIR: Affairs in Paris for the past week have not been of very great interest. The National Assembly, as you will have seen, has removed its place of sitting from Bordeaux to Versailles, and the members of the government who were at Bordeaux have all returned to Paris. The question of the removal of the National Assembly from Bordeaux excited a good deal of feeling and an animated discussion in that body. Versailles, by a large majority, was carried, over the unanimous report of the committee in favor of Fontainebleau, by the powerful and personal influence of Mr. Thiers. The assembly meets at Versailles on Monday next, and though it sits in that place the seat of government will be at Paris. Mr. Thiers will occupy the splendid hotel of the minister of foreign affairs, where he will hold his official receptions. The council of ministers, however, is to hold its meetings at Versailles. The proceedings of the assembly will be vastly important, and will be watched with the greatest interest. Its great mission will be to legislate for the immediate exigencies of the country, but it is not supposed that it will attempt to act as a constituent to form a new government, without, at any rate, obtaining a power for such purpose from the people by a plebecite. It is quite evident to my mind that the tendency of the country is to continue the republic, as the only form of government which can be sustained in France at the present time. But political events are so uncertain in France, that it is unsafe to venture predictions as to what may happen. Since the raising of the siege, some half a dozen very violent newspapers had been established, which were daily filled with the most revolutionary appeals, and teeming with incitations to bloodshed and civil war. A few days ago General Vinoy, military commandant of Paris, issued an order, not only suppressing the whole batch, but forbidding other papers of a like character to appear until the siege of Paris should be raised by direction of the national assembly. This order of General Vinoy has been unfavorably commented upon very generally by the press, but I think it has given very general satisfaction to a large majority of the people of Paris. But that which has created more talk and comment, and is, in my judgment, of far more serious import, has been the action of some regiments of the national guard, who seized upon large numbers of cannon and mitrailleuses, some two weeks since, and fortified themselves on the Butte Montmartre. These people have set up a sort of independent side-show in opposition. to the government. I do not regard any great degree of violence as probable, but it must be confessed that the condition of the lower and working classes of Paris is alarming. Each man fit to bear arms has been enlisted in the national guard, receiving for himself a franc and a half a day, and an additional sum for his wife, if married, and if he have children a certain sum for every child. But now, it having become necessary to disband the national guard and stop this pay, it is a question of the greatest gravity what is to befall these people. Every branch of industry is paralyzed; all building and improvement of the city has been stopped, and it is about impossible for the laborers to get work. Nothing, as yet, has been disclosed as to the projects of the government for raising the money to pay off its indemnity to the Germans. There is an evident disposition in all circles to make a superhuman effort to satisfy this debt, and get the Germans out of France at the earliest possible moment. The procuring of such a vast amount of money will, I am afraid, interfere very much with the negotiations of our new five per cent. loan. To raise this money it is thought France will be obliged to offer its securities on better terms than our new loan can be had at. The French people have always had great faith in their own securities, and in their own national credit, and do not generally go abroad after investments unless they can purchase foreign securities on terms that will bring them higher rates than their own will yield. I have, &c., No. 115. E. B. WASHBURNE. No. 394.] Mr. Washburne to Mr. Fish. LEGATION OF THE UNITED STATES, Paris, March 19, 1871. (Received April 3.) SIR: In my No. 390, of day before yesterday, I alluded to the insurrectionary movements in Paris, and expressing the opinion that they would not amount to much, and that no great degree of violence was probable. It was not then possible for me to conceive that in a little more than twenty-four hours from that time Mr. Thiers and all the members of his government would be obliged to flee from Paris, and that an insurrectionary committee of the national guard would, at the moment I am writing, be complete masters of the city. Yet such is the fact. The attempt of the government to dislodge the insurgents at Montmartre, and to get possession of the cannon there installed before daybreak yesterday morning, proved a complete failure, the troops of the line fraternizing with the national guard and refusing to fire upon them. All was lost from that moment, though the government did not appear to realize it, and various feeble demonstrations were made during the day to vindicate the public authority. All day long, whenever the troops of the line and the national guard came within reach of each other, they reversed their muskets in token of peace. Without knowing the full gravity of the situation, I started about noon yesterday to make a trip into the country. On my return at six o'clock in the evening, by the way of the Bastile, I found the circulation for carriages interdicted on the principal streets. Being turned into the by-streets, I soon found my way impeded by barricades which had been improvised, and every where the insurrectionary national guard. After making various turns, |
