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330 CONG....20 SESS.
Mail Steamer Appropriation Bill-Debate.

SENATE. the amendment of the Senator from Ohio-which | Missouri (Mr. GEYER) an opportunity to record ation I can get, that the expense of the Cunard made it a condition to the receipt of money already || his vote in favor of the reconsideration. It will steamers to the British Government has been due to these persons that they should assent to be observed that, if we had both voted, the result | greater than the expense of the Collins steamers any modification of the contract—as a violation of would not have been effected in any way. Still, to this Government. But I do not intend to regard the contract itself. Now, it appears to me that he is entitled to have his vote recorded on the the expenditure of a few thousands of dollars the amendment which is offered by my colleague | question, as I think; and now, having said that when that sum is necessary to be expended to is obnoxious to the same objection. If I am cor- much on that part of the subject, allow

me to add sustain the highest interests of the country. rectly informed and, if I am not, I want inform- a few words in regard to the proposition itself. Mr. President, I do not enter at large into the ation from any source--we owe these parties for Mr. President, I have not troubled the Senate debate in which other gentlemen have freely in. two years' mail service; and the primary object with a word before on this question. I have | dulged in regard to how much benefit we have of this bill is to pay the debt which we owe. I desired to listen, and not to speak, and although I received, or how much Congress has conferred apprehend that, on a bill which is intended simply have regarded this as a very important question, upon the Collins line of steamers. That part of to pay, what we owe, you cannot properly impose I shall not now detain the Senate for many min- | the subject has been fully discussed by others; but a condition that they shall not be paid unless they utes. I look upon this as a question deeply affect- I desire to suggest that in accepting the British consent to a modification of the contract. I agreeing the commercial interests of this country. We proposition we reserve to ourselves exclusive and with my colleague, that the compensation which are in the midst of a struggle, which has been important privileges and rights for our own comthey receive is, perhaps, larger than it ought to raging since the commencement of the year 1850, merce which they did not reserve for theirs. They be. I am perfectly willing to modify it, if we can with the greatest maritime Power on earth for the gave up the registry law of their own country. in good faith do so. According to my conception, supremacy of the seas. That contest commenced They gave up the exclusive right to build their however, we have no right to say to these per- at the time the British Government passed a law own ships. Any people in the world may now sons,

we will pay you the money which we owe repealing the navigation laws of that country, build ships for them. "It is not so here. Our ship you, provided you will agree to take less than which had stood for two hundred years, and which builders 'retain a complete monopoly over ship the sum which, under the existing contract, you were regarded as the bulwark of the maritime building, and that great manufacturing interest is have a right to receive." That is the difficulty superiority of Great Britain. No entreaties, no protected to the extent of utter prohibition. So it which I have in sustaining the proposition of my implorations of our countrymen could induce them is in regard to the coast-wise trade. We have not colleague.

to change their position on that subject; but on the suffered others to compete with us in our coasting Mr. PEARCE. I have entirely misconceived l occasion to which I have alluded, influenced by trade though Great Britain has yielded us the right the bill if such be its effect. I understand that the considerations which I am not now at liberty to to participate in her colonial and intercolonial appropriation contained in the clause to which I enter into, owing to the shortness of time which I trade. These may be justly deemed as great have moved this amendment, is an appropriation feel ought to be allotted to me, they challenged sacrifices made by us to give the advantage to our of $858,000 for the fiscal year ending the 30th day the United States to a competition on the princi- commercial marine. I do not propose to consider of June, 1856.

ples of what was called freedom of trade, by open- | the question whether these prohibitions ought to Mr. PRATT. Is it not for the last year? ing their own ports for the indirect trade, on condi- be continued, but by referring to these facts I

Mr. PEARCE. No, sir; but as I read the sec- tion that we should open ours. Thus the carrying desire to show that you have made much greater tion it contains an appropriation for the next fiscal trade became the subject of rivalry-the prize sacrifices, in order to sustain your commercial year. Certainly I should not offer any proposi- | offered to victory in the contest between these two | marine, than you are now called upon to make by tion requiring the parties to enter into an arrange- || great nations.

voting this sum out of the Treasury for sustainment of this sort, as an amendment to a section At the time the proposition was made by Great | ing the Collins line of steamers. providing for payment for services already due. || Britain, I was one of those who advised that this Mr. President, the eyes of the world are now I do not so understand it. The section is, I be- || Government should enter into the competition directed to Great Britain and the United States. lieve, for payment of the sum which, under the without hesitation or delay. A distinguished gen- | If we gain the advantage in the contest, as we existing contract, they will be entitled to during tleman, (Mr. Webster,] who had preceded me think we have done already, it can be attributed the course of the next fiscal year. I can only sat- l in the office which I then held, had given an opin- co nothing but the superiority of our republican isfy myself thoroughly about it by examining the ion that, under the act of the 3d of March, 1817, | institutions over the institutions of Great Britain. bill.

the British proposition could not be accepted with | Our success will vindicate our claim to the supeThe PRESIDING OFFICER. The question || out the conseni of Congress. To have asked the | riority of our institutions, as compared with this

. is on the amendment of the Senator from Mary- consent of Congress at that time, would have been I would not, for any consideration like that of the land.

equivalent to rejecting the proposition. We ac- sum of money which has been voted for the ColMr. PEARCE. I beg leave to say now that I ceded to the proposition as it stood, construing the lins line of steamers, hazard our success in any am satisfied, from what I am informed by the act of 1817 as giving us the power, and we haz- degree. I would not agree that Great Britain clerk of the Committee on Finance, that I am arded everything on the result. My anticipations should keep the post office for us, or carry all our right. My amendment is to the first section of the of that day have been fully realized. Owing to mails. I would not lose the benefit of the intellibill, which provides for the next fiscal year. The the influence of our own republican institutions, gence which we receive so much the more speedily third section of the bill provides for the deficien- | the character of our seamen and merchants—all by these Collins vessels, than by hers. therefore, does not apply to this cise.

former--we have beaten Great Britain in the car- propositions of others are likely to be more advanThe question being taken by yeas and nays, rying trade. The result has been, that in five

tageous to us, if accepted, than those of the Collins resulted-yeas 23, nays 25; as follows:

years during which the competition has existed, line, solely because that subject has been so fully YEAS-Mesers. Adams, Bright, Brown, Butler, Chase, we have progressed so far that, instead of being and ably considered by others, and especially by Clay, Dawson, Evans, Fitzpatrick, Geyer, Hunter, Jobn- the second commercial nation in the world, we are my colleague. Satisfied that we ought not to son, Jones of Tennessee, Mallory, Mason, Morion, Pearce, now the first. Our commercial tonnage, at this hazard the loss of the benefits which the whole Sebastian, Slidell, Thompson of Kentucky, Toombs, Tou

time, exceeds that of Great Britain herself. cey, and Wells--23.

commercial and business community derive from NAYS–Messrs. Allen, Badger, Bayard, Benjamin, Sir, this struggle is still raging. It is one of the this line by abandoning a certainty for an uncer Brodhead, Cass, Clayton, Cooper, Fessenden, Fooi, Gil- greatest of all the contests that ever existed between tainty, I shall cheerfully give my vote to sustain lette, Gwin, James, Jones of lowa, Petrit, Rusk, Seward, contending nations. We rely upon our republican the Collins line. As to the retention of the power Shields, Stuart, Sumner, Thomson of New Jersey, Wade,

institutions; Great Britain relies on her peculiar Weller, Wilson, and Wright-25,

to give the notice to abandon the contract, which So the amendment was rejected.

institutions; and the question is, which shall evince the amendment of the House relinquishes, it has

their superiority? Under such circumstances, for been shown by others that the only effect of such Mr. CLAYTON. Mr. President, there was a the honor of the country, when not only its pros- a power has been, and will be hereafter, to harass misapprehension at the time the vote was taken perity, but its glory, depends upon that struggle, the contractors with constant alarms and appreon the proposition of the chairman of the Com- | I am not willing to be behind Great Britain in hensions essentially retarding the efforts, and parmittee on Finance to strike out the clause in the anything which shall tend to put my own coun- alyzing the energies of the contractors. bill as it comes from the House, which takes away trymen on terms of full and complete equality Mr. TOOMBS. Mr. President, the discussion the power to give the notice. The vote on that with her.

having been reopened, and the time of the Senate motion stood twenty-four to twenty-five. I voted The question now before the Senate has bearings repeatedly occupied this morning by the friends of among the twenty-five. There was a misappre- and relations far beyond the topics which have the measure sent to us by the House, I shall avail hension on the part of my honorable friend from been introduced into the debate. The question is, myself of my privilege to make a few remarks in Missouri, (Mr. Geyer,] who supposed that he shall we carry on this contest by the aid of British reply to the Senator from Delaware, (Mr. CLAYand I had paired off on that question. I now steamers conveying the mail; or shall we, on the || TON.) desire to give him a full opportunity of recording other hand, see to it that the mail is carried in Nothing has satisfied me that this whole propohis vote. I move to reconsider the vote by which | American bottoms as ancillary to the exertions of sition is without an argument to support it

, more that amendment was rejected, in order to give him our seamen and merchants, and vindicate our su- than the ability and ingenuity which have been a chance to do so. I hold myself bound in honor || periority as well in those steamships as we do in attempted without producing one. The gentleman to give him an opportunity to record his voie, ihe sailing vessels of the ocean? I look on the from Delaware says, in the first place, that this is under those circumstances. I move to reconsider intelligence which is brought to this country by a question as to the superiority of American shipthe vote by which that amendment was rejected. our steamers as absolutely necessary for the sucMr. TOOMBS called for the yeas and nays;

ping over British. Well, sir, what is the ques-cess of our commerce, as necessary to our com- iion? The very eminent and distinguished Sengand they were ordered.

plete success in that contest to which I have pointed tor from Delaware says that is it. I conceive it Mr. CLAYTON. Having made the motion lo ihe attention of the Senate. So looking on this to be entirely different. You made a contract in reconsider, I wish to state that I shall vote pre-question, I am willing to make some and great 1852, by which you gave these men hundreds of cisely u I have done heretofore. I have made the sacrifices in order to sustain my own countrymen thousands of dollars as additional compensation, motion, because I desire to give my friend

from I in the struggle. I believe, from the best inform- ll and you only retained the same right over it which

, 1 the

330 Cong.... 20 Sess.
Mail Steamer Appropriation BillDebate.

SENATE. you have over every contract for the transporta- You have bound everybody else. You bind every with the British. Patriotism is a very excellent tion of the mails, by sea and land. You have man who contracts with the Post Office Depart. || thing when well applied; but I do not think that provided, what is provided in regard to every mail ment, except E. K. Collins & Co. Why? The is the proper way to show it. I have heard a contract in America, that it may be rescinded. country will ask the reason.

great deal said about British rivalry. I take it The question now is, whether you shall give up Again, sir, the Senator from Delaware has said, that that is an expression used by many honorable that power. It is not a question of gratification that if the Collins line succeeds, it will prove the gentlemen who have no better argument. When to the friends of liberty in Europe, as the Senator superiority of republican Government over mon- these vessels cannot beat each other in a fair race, from Delaware supposes, to see whether the Col- archy. Mr. President, with great deference to the but it requires us to pay our vessels double the lins ships shall get in ten minutes before Cunard's. Senator from Delaware, I must say that there are amount of money which the British Government This is the idlest of all the pretenses by which it some statements, I will not call them arguments, pay theirs, simply for the advantage of five or ten is attempted to deprive the Government of a sub- as unanswerable from their absurdity as from their hours in a trip, I feel that the race has lost all stantial right, without a consideration. Nobody | reasoning.

reasons for rejoicing in my mind. I believe it is bas offered one. Are you going to give an advani- Mr. CLAYTON. I think the honorable gen- a rule with racers that, if they run together in an age to American shipping in this country by con- tleman has mistaken my view.

even race, it is a fair business; but if you give ferring the greatest monopoly that ever has been Mr. TOOMBS. No, sir; I took down the Sen- your man twice as much money in a mere physiseen since the Revolution to this day? Is that the ator's language.

cal matter which money can command, and you way lo build up our institutions? Is that the way Mr. CLAYTON. What I said was that the are satisfied with that triumph over the British, we have succeeded? Is it by going back for cen- success of the American mercantile marine, in the || I am not. But, sir, the Senator from Delaware turies to all the restrictions, to all the monopolies, great struggle going on with England since 1850, || imagines that the friends of liberty all over Euwhich disgraced and retarded mankind for five in virtue of the arrangement made at that time rope are looking at the expedition of the Collins centuries? That is what the gentleman says it is. between the two countries, would be, and I endeav- line over the Cunarders. You are going to build up an American marine, ored to demonstrate that it would be, a vindica- Mr. CLAYTON. Not at all. and you are going to make it compete at home and tion of our own institutions. On that question I Mr. TOOMBS. Did not the gentleman say that abroad with all the world, by giving a monopoly am perfectly willing to meet the gentleman from the friends of liberty in Europe looked to these here! Georgia.

ships? Sir, the question before us is not even a question Mr. TOOMBS. The British Government have Mr. CLAYTON. I referred to the struggle of monopoly, on which the gentleman puts it, and never pressed any such race. They get double between the two countries, undoubtedly-not in if it were, I should oppose it. The question is, the service that we do for the same money that regard to this line particularly, but to the contest whether the American Senate and House of Rep- we pay. It is not considered to be a very great which was going on under the arrangement of resentatives will give up a wise restriction which advantage to a man if he ties both hands behind 1850, for the indirect trade of the world. they placed on this contract, that they might, on him; but that is our position on this question.

Mr. TOOMBS. When you get up the contest giving six months' notice, reduce the additional The British Government get a weekly mail service for the indirect trade of the world, and open the compensation, if, in the judgment of the two for the same sum of money for which we get a struggle to everybody, I am with you; but I do Houses on the information before them, it should semi-monthly one. That is under an extravagant not think the proper way to accomplish that is to be proper to do so. Why do you say that those monarchy, which we have attempted to get rid of. I give a monopoly to the Collins line. lunderstood who are to come after you shall not have this Why, sir, we have made it the pride of our repubihe gentleman to say, that the friends of liberty in power, which is provided for everywhere in all lican Government, that every man in this country Europe looked to the speed of these ships. I am the mail contracts of the United States, and in is equal. We have boasted íhat we have no titles, perfectly willing, however, to take his explanaevery little act of incorporation? Why, sir, only no monopolies, no bounties, but that every man lion in his own words. I know how apt I am to the other day when a bill was pending to allow was free to follow the bent of his own genius as misunderstand others, and to be misunderstood the people of Georgetown the privilege of sub- li he pleased; that he asked no aid from the Govern- | myself; and therefore I take the gentleman's words scribing to the stock of a railroad company in this ment; that he wished no protection, but simply to be exactly as he states them. Then he says, District, the American Senate, nem. con., voted desired to be let alone. We have said that mon- the friends of liberty in Europe are looking with that they would not allow that act lo pass without | archies give exclusive privileges, exclusive orders, interest to the struggle between America and a right being reserved to repeal it whenever Con- monopolies, restrictions, and bounties, so that they England for the trade of the world. Sir, I am gress should think proper. 'It is done every day. I grind labor for the benefit of favorites. Now we willing to go as far as he who furthest goes on that In every contract for carrying the mail in the are to imitate them in that race; here, to-day, in the point. In my judgment no policy would be more United States, this right is reserved. In regard American Senate, we are called upon to do it. injurious to the attainment of that result than the to every steamboat, railroad, horse-mail, foot- We, sir, are giving Mr. Collins twice as much one which I have heard advocated by the Senator mail, every mail-carrier, and penny-post in the money as England gives Cunard, and it is said from Delaware. Sir, I would command the high United States, the right is reserved to take away that the whole honor of the American nation is roads of this continent, but I would not go in cothe contract when you want to do it. It is a just concerned in Collins beating Cunard. That is the partnership with the British for them. I would and wise provision. Why should a majority at- argument of the Senator from Delaware. No man iake a different mode, and I would command what tempt to do away with that right here and maintain can dispute that that is the only ground upon I could get from the independent sovereignties on it in all other cases? Why should there be an which we are called to do this; and yet Cunard this continent, fairly, without sharing it with Eng* exception here? Is it proper to build up American performs fifty-two trips a year for less mo. than land, or any other foreign Power. navigation by giving to these people a benefit Collins dues twenty-six. That is the off cou! But how ridiculous is the idea that the whole which is conferred upon nobody else? You have statement. I know I have heard it whispered question of the superiority of American commerce, imposed on them that condition to which every about in the lobbies outside, that there is a great to which foreigners are now looking with so much one else, doing similar service, is subjected, and deal of money given by the British Government interest, is to turn upon whether this Congress now it is proposed to take it away.

which nobody ever hears of; but, sir, the respon- || shall surrender its power over the Collins line or I would take away the whole contract, for I sibility of the institutions of Great Britain is as not. We have the power now to take away a cerhave opposed it for ten years, but I have never perfect and accurate, and much more so, than our tain portion of their contract, and before God and succeeded, and do not expect to succeed. I have own. No dollar is ever voted out of their Treas. || the country I say that the only question is, never supposed that I could succeed in resisting ury but by act of Parliament. The proceedings whether we shall surrender that power which it is it. I have not supposed, and I do not suppose, of Parliament are public; they are known; and if our duty to keep? You may talk about it as much that a job of this character can be resisted under the Cunard line get any other money than that as you please, you may rave about it as much as this Government. I have a duty to perform, how- which is voted for them, it is surreptitiously got. you please, but that is the real question. ever, and I intend to perform it. I will resist what It may be given by patriotic Englishmen out of The argument of last night is now abandoned; I believe to be injurious to the Commonwealth. I their own pockets.' If patriotic American Sena- and I am glad that it is. We were then told that will resist what I believe to be unjust. The con- tors wish to imitate the example, and take money the reservation of this power disturbs legislation, sequences are with those who have equal power, out of their own pockets, and not go to the Treas- l that it controls other measures, that perhaps it has equal rights, equal duties. I have nothing to say ury of the Union for the purpose of benefiting Mr. had a bad influence on our action. Now, the to those who differ from me on this question; but Collins, though I might condemn the act, I should argument is returning to the naked question, shall it being, in my judgment, injurious to the public not allude to it, for it would not concern me, as we take away from the United States, whom we service to take away a power which, I consider, a public man here. What they give is by law; || represent, the power to discontinue the present may be important; I cannot consent to it. It and all the talk of their giving more is for the extravagant compensation if, in the judgment may be very important for many reasons, in purpose of deluding and deceiving those who wish of the honorable men who are to succeed us for maintaining the very competition of which the io be deluded and deceived--who want pretexts the next five years, the owners of this line are Senator from Delaware has spoken. Why should and excuses to do what cannot be vindicated in not carrying out the contract, and are not main. you give an unlimited, boundless confidence to any argument for the public interests.

taining American superiority with fidelity? Shall Collins that you give to nobody else? Suppose, Now, sir, I do not think that the proper way to we at once surrender all the control of the Conafter you give it to him, he will not carry on the promote American navigation is to give a mo- gress of the United States over this matter, which rivalry, where are you then? There is no condi- | nopoly to one company, and to provide effectually was reserved by solemn contract when we paid tion in the bond that Cunard shall not be allowed that nobody else shall run a steamship to Great $500,000, and threw it into the hands of E: K. to beat him. The very pretences which you urge Britain. I consider the navigation laws, to which Collins and company? This proposition is not to are shown not to be true on the face of the con- the Senator from Delaware has referred, as bad reduce the pay, to do nothing except to take from tract. Have you any condition that Collins shall laws; and I believe he does; but under them we the Congress of the United States the power which beat the Cunarders? Though you give him a retain a rivalry amongst our own countrymen. || they now have, of terminating this contract, if, in large amount of money, there is no provision in Here he is taking away that rivalry, and giving their judgment, it shall not be faithfully carried the contract that he shall run over the ocean even to one company $858,000,a year advantage over out. in thirty days. You bind him with no conditions. anybody else who wishes to enter into this race The gentleman from Delaware cannot show ono 330 CONG....2p Sess.

Mail Steamer Appropriation BillDebate.

SENATE,

Teason in the contract for what he has stated. Senator from Georgia has chosen to put those interest to impel them to the same course. They There is no obligation in the contract requiring words in my mouth, and to reply to them; but I will feel that when their contract is terminated, if Collins & Co. to beat the British. That is not in | did say, and I verily believe, and I think any man they perform it well, they will be entitled to a the bond. There is no such stipulation. We are who will reflect on the subject will concur with favorable consideration from this Government to trust to this company to vindicate the national me, that the reason why, since Great Britain chal-hereafter. They know that they will have forhonor and the national marine, and we are to take lenged us to a trial upon the ocean for the indirect feited their own self-respect, as well as the respect away from the American Congress the power to trade of the world, we have beaten them in that of Congress, and of this Government, if they fail, judge independently whether they have or have trial as we never did beat them before, on account They know well the great motives of interest not done it, and to withdraw the extra compensa- of their restrictions upon navigation, is to be found which led us to adopt the course we havs taken, tion. That is the whole question. It is magni- || entirely in our republican institutions. I thought || and I therefore repeat that I have confidence that fied into national honor, national glory, and pa- 80 at the time President Taylor agreed to open the we shall have all the benefits we have enjoyed, and triotism; but all these are appeals to the follies of ports of the United States to Great Britain, and even still greater if this bill passen. mankind when there is no reason to offer upon so accept her challenge, and for that reason I advised Would the Senator from Georgia, would any plain and direct a proposition.

him to do it. I have been confirmed in it since. ll other Senator, feel willing now, if there should bi Mr. CLAYTON. Mr. President, I certainly | What gives us our superiority? Sir, the Ameri- a sudden outbreak against us on the part of any do not design to answer that part of the speech of can captain feels that he is a free man in his own European Power, that the whole mail between the honorable gentleman from Georgia, which country, and the American merchant feels that he | Europe and the United States should be in the repeated what was stated so often in the debate || also is a man equal to any here of the same merits hands of a monopoly, as he calls it, eupported by before, and which was so well and ably answered in other respects. There is no caste here, thank Great Britain? Does the honorable gentleman before I said one word in regard to this measure. God! there is no degradation from caste; there is expect private individuals in this country, without The questions he has touched had been suffi- no elevation from titles of nobility; there is no aid from their own Government, to maintain e ciently discussed; and when I rose it was for the aristocracy here. When the British captain goes rivalry with the Cunard line? No one, I venture purpose of presenting my own peculiar view of into the counting-house of the British merchant, he to say, entertains such an idea; no one can imagine ihe subject, and to say what I believed, that at goes with his hat under his arm, and often looks it for a moment. The private fortunes of no genthis time the rivalry between the commercial like a free negro on a Saturday afternoon, in a tlemen in this country would permit them to enter marine of Great Britain and that of the United | country store, humbled at the presence of one successfully into, and maintain, such a rivalry as States in consequence of President Taylor's ac- superior to himself. When the British merchant that. And the question recurs, are you willing ceptance of the British proposition made in 1849, meets my lord the duke, or my lord the marquis, l now, while there may be at any moment an for the free navigation in the indirect trade, was or the earl, in the street, he doffs his beaver; he is interruption of the pacific relations between this now attracting the attention of the world; that it below him; he feels that he is inferior, and there country and some European nation, to allow all was a mighty struggle, and I thought it was easily | is no equality between them, and there never can the mail carriage between Europe and the United demonstrable that our superiority was owing to exist any equality under their institutions. States to be in foreign hands--in the hands of our institutions. That superiority has been vin- But here, sir, the American sailor, the Ameri- || British monopolists, if you choose to call them so? dicated since the struggle commenced on the let can captain, and the American merchant feels as I would not. The British Government has shown January 1850, and is shown by the fact that we deep an interest in society as any men among us. heretofore that it has no hesitation whatever in now have more tonnage than Great Britain her- | It is owing to the republican institutions of our putting its hands into the British Post Office to read, self, although, before the freedom of navigation country that the American proves a superior to or even to stop, intelligence which it did not desire conceded by her repeal of her navigation laws in the British captain when he takes command of a to be conveyed, connected with the foreign rela1849, she was far ahead of us in this particular. ship, , It is owing to the character which our tions of that country. It has even arrested foreign I thought this great consideration was worthy republican institutions confer upon all the men correspondence. I am not willing to trust to it of being taken into view at this time, when we who are engaged in our mercantile marine, and alone again. No, sir. If a British fleet, or a fleet were about to vote on this bill. I said that this owing to that alone, that the American ship is || from any other country, were to start from the measure of protection to the Collins steamers was always in better order and neater trim, and always shores of Europe, I want the Collins line to bring ancillary to the great American interests in that makes her voyage in a shorter time than the Brit- || the intelligence that it is bound here, and that it controversy. I think 80 still. Nothing which has ish. It is owing to this that there is more energy is expected to attack us. If such a possible case been said by the honorable Senator from Georgia | displayed by the American who does not, as those as that should occur, I want an American ship to has induced me to doubt it. Our commercial men on the other side of the water do, often lay.to for bring the intelligence; I want men who have gain more speedily and surely commercial informa- a day or two, and go to sleep, while the Ameri- | American hearts in their bosoms, and who feel as tion by this means than by any other. I said also can, impelled by every consideration which can I do, and as I am sure the honorable Senator from that I'was unwilling to trust the whole of the mails make life desirable and happy, carries all the sail Georgia himself does, to have control of the ship between Europe and this country in British hands; || he can on the voyage, and is never known to that brings it. that I desired it to be in American hands, and strike a topsail while a mast will carry it.

I thought it proper to offer these few remarks, that we should compete successfully with them, Sir, I know that the patience of the Senate will because I made the motion to reconsider. Let me and beat them with steamers on the ocean as we not allow me now to go at length into this subject; say to gentlemen who voted as I did upon the had done with sailing vessels.

but I say again to the Senator from Georgia, that question that I have been impelled to make that The honorable Senator, who has entirely mis- | I attribute the whole superiority which we have | motion by a consideration which I cannot resist. conceived and misrepresented my remarks, has exhibited in this great struggle, to this considera- | My honorable friend from Missouri believed that dwelt on the stale charge against the Collins line, | tion. The world, I think, will inquire why it is he had paired off with me. Under such circum. that it is a monopoly. Why, sir, would he abol | that, after the year 1850, when the commercial stances, it is no question with me whether a conish this and every other line established on the intercourse between the two nations was fully tract was really entered into between me and him, same principle; would he permit Great Britain, opened, and all the restrictions on indirect trade | but I intend to give him the privilege of recording which has created—what he calls a monopoly-a between the two countries were taken off, the his vote on this motion, in justice to him, and monopoly in her behalf, by building up the Cun- || American marine went ahead of the British, so having done that, I shall vote against the reconard steamers, and sustaining them constantly by that our commercial tonnage now exceeds theirs | sideration in justice to myself. large drafts from her Treasury; would he permit || by more than a hundred thousand tons. Why is Mr. GEYÉR. Mr. President, I rise to make her alone, without competition, to navigate the it, everybody will ask, and all will be compelled my acknowledgments to my friend from Delaware ocean, and carry the mail for us between Great to make the answer, and they can make no other for affording me an opportunity, of recording my Britain and this country? I think the Senator true answer than the one which I have given. Is vote on this question, in which I have taken much from Georgia, himself, on calm reflection, would this not, then, a glorious triumph for our repub- interest. This morning I thought I had paired off not agree to that; but he repeats the cry, raised by lican institutions?

with him. I knew myself to be too unwell to rehimself and by others who spoke before him, that I have said that I spoke of the performance of main in the Chamber daring the day, and I left it this is a monopoly. How? Because we do not give the Collins line in this mighty contest as ancil. | for a few minutes under the impression that I had the same sum of money, and the same inducement || lary to our whole commercial system; and I put paired off with him, intending to go to my lodg. to others. Monopoly? Why, sir, we must first it to the honorable Senator, can he not see, and inge. Before I left the building, however, I was build up one line that will, at least, compete with the does he not feel that the maintenance of this line is informed that the vote had been taken, to my sur British monopoly; and the question now is, shall immensely important to us in this view? Our || prise, because I had no anticipation that it would the British have the monopoly entirely confined to commercial men engaged in this commerce now be brought up at 80 early, a moment. Coming themselves. That is the true question which is 80 deeply, want intelligence at the shortest pos- || into the Chamber I learned that the Senator from presented to the Senate. When the British Gov-sible moment, to enable them to maintain the Delaware cast his vote, under the impression ernment shall choose to abandon their monopoly, competition. The Senator says the Collins line which was, no doubt, made on his mind, that he we shall cheerfully agree to leave the competition are not bound to give it to us by their contract, had not paired off with me. I had made the apopen to all, or refuse to sustain any one line of but they have given it to us; and in the fact that plication, and I interpreted his answer according steamers in preference to others. He might as they

have heretofore given it to us without being to my request. I regret very much that in this well at present raise the cry of monopoly against bound to do so, we have the best guarantee in the indulgence afforded to me, the time of the Senate, our Navy, because the privilege of building men- world that they will give it again. I do not enter- so very important at this period of the session, of-war is not equally encouraged by the Govern- tain any doubt upon the subject. If he does, he should be occupied; and I will not abuse it longer ment, whether men, with or without skill in naval may be justifiable in the vote which he gives; but by entering into this debate. I cannot forbear, architecture, underiake to build them for us. having some acquaintance with the men, I have however, to bring the honorable Senator from

Mr. President, I certainly did not intend to say, | full confidence that the same pride which has Delaware back to the question. and I know I did not say, ihat the question of the stimulated them heretofore to give us the supe- The question is not whether we shall disconsuperiority of our republican institutions depended | riority in speed, will induce them to continue it; tìnue the effort to outstrip the Cunarders, but upon the Coi'ins line of steamers, although the Il and there are not wanting sufficient motives of Il whether we shall secure in our own bands, by 33 CONG....20 Sess.

Territorial PolicyMr. Goodwin.

Ho. OF REPs.

way of

reserving the power to put an end to the contract, YEA8-Messrs. Allen, Badger, Bayard, Bell, Benjamin, the certainty, if it is in the power of these conBrainerd, Bright, Brown, Cass, Clayton, Cooper, Douglas, 1 of others, yet I believe it to be the solemn duty of

treat with disrespect the opinions and prejudices Gillette, Gwin, James, Jones of (owa, Pettit, Rusk, Seward, tractors, to maintain the speed at which they have

Shields, Stuari, Sumner, Thomson of New Jersey, Walker, the Representatives of the free States to speak out run their vessels. The additional compensation Weller, and Wrigbi-26.

boldly and firmly, giving true, free, and adequate was voted to the Collins line, in 1852, because of NAY8-Messrs. Adams, Brodhead, Butler, Chase, Clay, their extraordinary performances.

utterance to the deep feeling and earnest convicWe voted

Dawson, Evans, Fitzpatrick, Geyer, Hunter, Johnson: || tions that so universally pervade the northern

Jones of Tennessee, Mallory, Mason, Morton, Pratt, Sethem $16,800 per trip more than would have been

bastian, Slidell, Toombe, Toucey, Wade, and Wells-22. mind in regard to the subject of the encroachments necessary in order to maintain the speed of the

So the bill was passed.

and extension of slavery. The action and measCumarders. Now, sir, after having voted the

ures of the Government for the last quarter of a money, and having exacted from them terms by

century, the startling realities of the present, and which we compel them to maintain the speed, it

TERRITORIAL POLICY.

those is coming events” that “cast their shadow is proposed that we shall abandon all the security

before," imperatively require it, every consider, which we have reserved to ourselves for the per- SPEECH OF HON. H. C. GOODWIN, 1 ation of public welfare and real patriotism demand formance of their engagements. The honorable Senator from Delaware, in one

OF NEW YORK,

it, and however the sentiments I feel impelled to

express may be here received, and whatever of view of the subject, states the question properly.

IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, disapprobation and censure I may here incur by We are now proposing to place annually in the

February 27, 1855.

their utterance, yet, following in the clear pathhands of these contractors $858,000, relying ex

The House being in the Committee of the Whole clusively on their pride, having no other security;

aty, indicated by the dictates of my con

science and the convictions of my judgment, susfor they are not bound to maintain their speed by on the state of the Union

tained by the knowledge that I am only giving any contract into which they have entered. They Mr. GOODWIN said:

expression to the almost unanimous views and do maintain it only because the $858,000 annually Mr. CHAIRMAN: I have given the necessary no

opinions of an intelligent and patriotic constitudepend upon their performing the service for || tice, and have sought, and shall still seek, on the ency, I shall be content to await patiently the which that compensation was contemplated. Now let us see how interest will operate against pride. || ing slavery in the Territories of Kansas and Nefirst proper occasion, to introduce a bill prohibit- | popular verdict, confident that, so surely as truth

will triumph, the lessons of the past and the Sir, it is said by Mr. Collins himself that the

braska, and forbidding its introduction or estab- || teachings of the future will vindicate the wisdom cost of the superior speed of the Collins over the

lishment in any Territory of the United States. and rightfulness of the policy I advocate. Cunard line is $16,800 the voyage in and out, and On this subjeci of the policy which should be Mr. Chairman, I cannot concur with the sentithe difference between making New York instead adopted by the General Government in relation

ments expressed on this floor by the distinguished of Boston the end of the voyage, costs the Collins to the vast territorial possessions—organized and

member from Missouri (Mr. BENTON) and others, line $9,810. We have yoted, and cannot now get | unorganized-of the United States, sufficient to

that all attempts to restore the clause of the Miss rid of it, a bounty, a discrimination in favor of

constitute of themselves an empire, exceeding in souri compromise, which prohibits slavery in the New York against Boston of $9,810 multiplied | limits the broad domains over which Rome, in Territories of Kansas and Nebraska, will prove twenty-six times in the year. That we cannot the palmiest days of her power, reigned as ihe unavailing; that further resistance and agitation get rid of, nor can the owners of the Collins line, imperial mistress of nations, I desire to offer a should cease, and that the discussion of this quesfor they must make New York their terminus. | few remarks, and involving, as whatever policy tion is now untimely and useless. There are many But, sir, reject the amendment proposed by the that may be permanently adopted, most vital reasons, and, to my mind, convincing and unanCommittee on Finance, and then where is your principles and divine truth, that underlie the deep swerable ones, why this contest should be main security? You present a temptation for them not foundations of our civil superstructure; forming tained by the friends of freedom with all the vigor, to excel the Cunard time, to the amount of $16,800 that solid granite strata on which rests the very spirit

, and determination that a just and sacred per trip, or $436,800 per annum. Whenever you pillars of our national greatness and success;

cause can inspire; considerations that render the withdraw your power to coerce the performance | giving birth to influences ihat are not to be con- continued agitation and discussion of the policy of of the speed which is required now, and has been

fined within the narrow boundaries of the present, excluding slavery, not only from these, but from performed heretofore, you present an interest equal | but reaching far into the future, will, with irre

all the Territories of the Union, eminently meet to $436,800 per annum to weigh against the pride sistible power, impress their character upon, and, and proper. It is well known, sir, that during the of beating the Cunarders, and in the five years it as I firmly believe, control the destipies of our

last session of Congress, when, unexpectedly

and amounts to $2,184,000.

country.. I trust I may be enabled to approach without warning, the bold proposition to repeal the Now I put it to the honorable Senator from its consideration animated by that spirit of un- Missouri compromise, to abrogate the “ordinance Delaware, whether, in his private transactions, he selfish patriotism which regards the interests and of freedom," in its application to these Territories, would be willing to entrust an amount of money welfare of the whole Union—that love of truth, was forced upon the attention of this body, the equal to that, in the hands of any man, or present humanity, and moral right which should always | proceeding was regarded by the whole country a temptation to him, relying exclusively upon his | inspire an American Representative in the dis- with ulter surprise and astonishment. So far from pride to fulfill his engagements. Sir, I think I charge of his duties.

its having been demanded by any expression of hazard nothing in predicting, that while Mr. Col

Before entering upon the threshold of this the public will, even the Souch had not asked it; lins may have an interest in this line, something discussion-for so unlimited is the field it opens no voice from any part of the country, either like a show of the performance heretofore, will be

and inexhaustible the theme it presents, that, in through the medium of the press, petitions, or kept up; but it may pass into other hands, and I the brief hour allotted me, I can hardly hope to public assemblies, had asked it; it had never been do not want to present, even to him, the templado more—it is perhaps proper for me to remark

made an issue, nor discussed before the people; not tion of $436,800 a year to violate what we have a

that I am fully conscious of the embarrassments a vote had been cast, nor a Representative elected right' to insist upon under the appropriation of which surround me; for, in addition to my own

in reference to it. This measure, of the greatest 1852, as part of our contract according to the inexperience, and the disfavor and impatience practical importance, working an entire change in terms of that act. I should be perfectly willing with which the agitation of these questions are by the policy of the Government, ruthlessly over, to repeal that proviso if stipulations were required many here received and listened to, I cannot but throwing the barriers erected by the wisdom and that would compel them to perforin the service in

feel 'deeply sensible of the wide disparity and patriotism of the past to stay the progress of the time which Congress had in view when that marked contrast that must be exhibited between slavery, and yielding up, in violation of public appropriation was voted. Until that is done I

any efforts of my own and those of my distin-honor and faith, (so far as the legislation of Concannot consent that they shall be trusted to the guished predecessor* on this floor. Here, with gress could do it,) to that now dangerously powerful whole amount of the appropriation annually, and his prowess and triumphs as an orator, and abili- institution, territory, rivalling in resources, ferrely exclusively on their pride.

ties as a man, fresh in your recollections, I shall tility, and extent, the original States of this Union, Mr. PEARCE. I wish simply to state, that rot, I am sure, be charged with indulging in the was thus suddenly, and in a period of profound on this question I have paired off with the Senator language of eulogy, or unmeaning compliment, quiet, thrust upon the country. Its advocates, as from Vermont, (Mr. Foot.)

when I say that his attractive and commanding if fearful-nay, conscious—of the result, refused The question being taken by yeas and nays eloquence, his high intellectual endowments and to submit it to the people, and await their judg. upon the motion to reconsider the vote rejecting mental culture, have given him a position rarely I ment, the issue was arbitrarily withheld from that the amendment of the Committee on Finance, re- attained in the arena of forensic effort; while the high tribunal wherein is vested the real sovereignty sulted-yeas 24, nays 24; as follows:

fascination of his social powers, his expansive of the land; and while there existed no color of YEAS-Messrs. Adams, Brodhead, Brown, Butler, Cass, benevolence and Christian philanthropy could not necessity for immediate action, this legislation, Chase, Clay, Dawson, Evans, Fitzpatrick, Geyer, Hunter, but win the regard and compel the respect of the unauthorized by the people, and involving their Johnson, Jones of Tennessee, Mallory, Mason, Morton, Pratt, Sebastian, Slidell, Thompson of Kentucky, Toombs, || I cannot hope to command the attention, nor re

members of this honorable body. And although interests and welfare to an extent beyond the Toucey, and Wells-24.

power of human judgment to measure, was hurNAYS-Messrs. Allen, Badger, Bayard, Bell, Benjamin, ceive the consideration so deservedly accorded to

riedly consummated. Its introduction and agilaBrainerd, Bright, Clayion, Cooper, Douglas, Gillette, Gwin his superior eloquence and ability, I shall proceed, tion created a degree of feeling, anxiety, and ex

citement rarely paralleled in our political annals. Stan Sumner, Thomson of New Jersey, Walkér, Weller, briefly my views in relation to these questions, in The press and the pulpit, institutions of learning, and Wright. So the motion to reconsider was not agreed to.

the rightful settlement of which all sections of the religious associations, the people in primary as

country are alike deeply interested, and in so doing semblies, and the Legislatures of sovereign States The bill was the ordered to a third reading, and I shall offer no apology for speaking plainly and uttered their solemn protests. From commercial

fearlessly; for while it is far from my desire to emporiums and inland cities, the numerous vil. it pass ?" awaken bitterness of feeling, to renew any unneces

lages and selllements of the North, the East, and Mr. JONES, of Tennessee, called for the yeas sary strife, or wantonly wound the sensibilities, or

the West, came earnest voices of expostulation, and nays, and they were ordered; and being taken,

remonstrance, and stern rebuke; the awakened resulted-year 26, naye 22; as follows:

masses petitioned Congress against the adoption of

*Hon. Gerrit Smith.

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at the

name.

a policy that would place free terrilory.' discussion; they urge Congress, with voices that exhausts to no purpose the "stores of his rhet. mercy of an institution whose character is written may not be unheeded, to return to the pathways oric,"and the“ brilliants”of his fancy. From such in the fearful wrongs, the ruin, and desolation it wherein are discernable the foot-prints of the early | impotent attacks New York needs no defense; has wrought; and when, in the face of these over- fathers of the Republic, and which are thickly || she pleads her own cause;" there she stands" in whelming popular demonstrations, in defiance and studded with the land-marks erected by their wis- her colossal greatness and massive strength, contempt of the public will, this measure, sus. dom and patriotism.

with that proud and expressive motto, " Exceltained and pressed by the strong arm of Executive Mr. WITTE. I wish to ask the member | sior,” emblazoned on her front, by the general power and patronage, aided by the votes of Rep- || from New York a question. Did I understand consent of her sister Sovereignties, in reality, resentatives who had closed their ears to the en- the gentleman to say that the voice of Pennsylva- as in name, the Empire State of this glorious treaties and mandates of those who clothed them nia has demanded the restoration of the Missouri Union. With her inexhaustible resources that with “brief authority," was forced through the compromise?

are being steadily developed, her immense populaHalls of legislation by trampling upon the ordi- Mr. GOODWIN. I so regard it.

tion and great wealth, earned by honest industry nary rules and correct principles of legislation, its Mr. WITTE. I beg to say that the member and free labor, with her vast commerce, her cities final consummation caused the quick-pulsed bil- from New York does not understand the estima- and villages, her system of common schools, and Jows of indignation to rush up from the depths, tion in which the people of Pennsylvania regard | her great works of internal improvements, she and surge over the troubled and heaving surface | it. It has not so spoken. I say so in their challenges the respect and admiration of the world. of the great deep of public sentiment, foreshadow

Sir, as one of her humblest sons, I love to dwell ing the gathering and breaking of that tempest Mr. GOODWIN. Are not the majority of her upon the State of New York. While Egypt can which has since swept with resistless force over Representatives elected to the next Congress in boast of her grand and gigantic pyramids, Rome the face of the free Siates, burying in graves that favor of the restoration of the Missouri compro- of her coliseum, her lofty domes and towers, and know no political resurrection those who, although | mise so far as to exclude slavery from these Ter- Greece of her graceful columns, and the beauty of from the free North, yet had disregarded her convic- ritories?

her ruined fanes and temples-works that display tions, sympathies, and conscience-who were deaf Mr. WITTE. If a majority of the Represent the perfection of art and the power of genius, New to the voices of freedom, justice, and humanity. atives of Pennsylvania in the next Congress are York can point with just pride to her free schools,

Sir, since the passage of this bill-since this in favor of the compromise, they do not represent to her system of internal improvements, with its policy which aims to strike down liberty in her the majority of the State.

hundreds of miles of railroads and canals, the own sanctuary, and raise up slavery, has become Mr. GOODWIN. I would rather take the de- l grand high ways of commerce, trade, and travel

; a law-the people have spoken in the manner pro- || cision of the people of that State, as pronounced | links that bind the prairies of the West to the vided to give form and authority to the expression by her electors, than the opinion of any man. shores of the Atlantic; works of real utility and of their will-through the ballot-box. Elections Mr. HENN. As the gentleman has included || practical beneficence that stand forth eloquent and have been held in twelve of the States of this Union, Iowa in that sweeping charge, I wish to say to impressive monuments of the wisdom and forecontaining a large proportion of the population of the gentleman that my successor is as strong a sight, the energy and enterprise of her citizens. the whole country; the issue was distinctly made Nebraska man as ever was in this House, and he Sir, people educated in her schools, and reared before the people; and most emphatic and conclu- was elected upon that issue.

under these influences, can never sanction the exsive is the verdict of condemnation they have ren- Mr. GOODWIN. Can you say that of Mr. tension of slavery and the limitation of freedom. dered_every where the supporters of this meas- Harlan, the Senator elect?

Mr. Chairman, other recent developments reure were utterly overthrown and prostrated. The Mr. HENN. No, sir; I refer to Mr. Hall. l quire that this question should receive the renewed results have broken the power and paralyzed the And I will say to the gentleman from New York, | attention of Congress. It will be remembered strength and influence of the Administration. The that no senatorial election has taken place in Iowa that when this proposition was under consideraimmense patronage of the Executive is insufficient constitutionally.

tion, its advocates, both in the Senate and in this to redeem proffered pledges to supply with “lucra- Mr. GOODWIN. How do the Representa- | House, insisted that those who were pleading tive places," and thus quarter upon the people the tives from lowa stand in the next Congress? for good faith, who stood up to the last against long list of the wounded and disabled who have Mr. HENN. Just as this does.

the consummation of this odious measure, were fallen in this conflict, under the withering ban of Mr. GOODWIN. What was the result of the battling for a mere abstraction, that this was but the people's disapprobation. Already one hun- | election for members of her Legislature in regard the assertion of a principle, and that, so far as dred and seventeen Representatives, pledged to to that question?

slavery was concerned, no practical effects could restore the prohibitions of slavery, have been re- Mr. HENN. I will say to the gentleman, flow from it; that Nature's statutes, the soil and turned to Congress. The senatorial elections, thus that the House of Representatives of lowa passed climate, shielded Kansas and Nebraska from the far, have achieved glorious triumphs for freedom. anti-Nebraska resolutions, and the Senate indorsed inroads of slavery—this was vociferously proThe Legislatures of Illinois and Michigan, States, | the Baltimore platform.

claimed to the whole country. in times past, distinguished for their subserviency Mr. GOODWIN. What are the views of the

Senator Badger, of North Carolina, said: to the slave power, have passed resolutions cen- Senator elect, and of the Governor, who canvassed

“I have no more idea of seeing a slave population in during the action of their Senators, and instruct- the State upon that direct issue?

either Kansas or Nebraska than I have of seeing it in Masing them to vote for the restoration of the Missouri Mr. HENN. He was elected on the Maine sachusetts--not a whit.” compromise. I thus hastily refer to these subse- quor law, as much as on any other ism.

Senator Butler, of South Carolina, said: quent results that now form a part of the history Mr. GOODWIN. Then, sir, anti-Nebraska “ It is certain that Kansas and Nebraska will never be of this eventful transaction, to show that, if the and anti-liquor were joined together. They go

slaveholding States." people had not been misrepresented and betrayed, well in company.

Senator Everett, of Massachusetts, said: this infraction of a solemn and time-honored cov- Mr. Chairman, I need not refer further to the I am quite sure everybody admits that this is not to be enant, this high-handed outrage on the rights of results in these States. There, as in the State of a slaveholding region." the North and the cause of freedom, could never New York, other issues may have entered some- Many others of both Houses expressed the have been accomplished.

what into the canvass, but it is folly to attempt to same views. Representatives from the free States Sir, the theory of our representative Govern- conceal the great fact that it was the annulling of who gave it their support, as if in the condition ment requires that these clear indications and the slavery restrictions of 1820, and the violation of those on whom the malediction of the Scriptures expressions of the popular will should be here of the spirit of those of 1787, to which circum- | had fallen: “Having eyes, yet they would not see, fully understood, considered, and respected; those stances had given the sanctity of constitutional and ears, yet would not hear;" insensible to the clothed with executive or legislative authority enactments, that so deeply stirred the public mind, signs of the times, and not realizing that there should realize in their action that they are not and mainly produced the decisive and overwhelm- | could be a North, seized upon this pretext as an the masters but the servants of the people; that | ing results the country has witnessed, of the Em- excuse for, and a justification of, their actions. it is not the part of Government to environ pub- || pire State and the verdict of her people. I can What has been the result? But a brief period has lic sentiment with metes and bounds, to bid its speak with full knowledge and authority, for I elapsed, and the disguise is now unblushingly strong tides to ebb and flow at its behests. The am from them and of them. I have felt the throb- thrown off, and the purpose of making Kansas attempt is as vain and fruitless as that of Canute || bings of the popular pulse. There is no mistaking a slave State is openly avowed. It is declared to sway the trident of Neptune, and speak the her utterances, sir. A high sense of honor, a just that this was the issue there made, at the late elec. advancing waves back to their ocean bed. It is appreciation of the dignity and sacredness of tion of a Delegate to represent that Territory in idle for members here to insist on silent acquies- | human rights, an irrepressible sympathy for the Congress, and slavery is yet exultant over the cence and shameful submission. The people have weak and wronged, and an inherent abhorrence of triumph there achieved. demanded that Congress should reconsider its l oppression in all of its forms, are sentiments Sir, the scenes attendant upon that election illuslegislation, undo this great wrong, and restore to inseparably intertwined with the very fibers of her trate the arrogant and aggressive spirit of this freedom the fair heritage torn from her grasp by great heart, its every life beat is for freedom and institution—its defiance of all "law and order." fraud and injustice. New England, with that against slavery; upon this issue she is on the Armed bands of men from the neighboring slave staunch firmness and alacrity that partakes of the side of justice, humanity, and good faith, and she State of Missouri flocked in great numbers to this spirit of her pilgrim founders and her revolutionary | has responded to the voices of her sister States as Territory, and, at many of the precincts, surroundbattle-fielde, has demanded it. The States of the “deep calleth unto deep.And here, sir, let me ed the polls, overawed the inhabitants, cast their great West-those Titans of the prairies, the say to the honorable member from North Carolina, ballots, and usurped the rights of the citizens of youthful, but vigorous, offsprin of the blessed [Mr. Ruffix,) who has this evening spoken in Kansas, and thus, without the color or pretense ordinance of 1787-have demanded it. Redeemed || ierms of disparagement and derision of the North of being residents of the Territory, controlled and lowa, the only free child of the Louisiana purchase, and of the State of New York, and ridiculed and impressed upon its first election the seal of proPennsylvania, and the Empire State, with a voice sneered at their abhorrence of the institution of slaveryism. fitly symbolized by the thunders of her own Ni- || slavery, which he declared to be “the greatest of And now, communications and addresses are agara, have demanded it. These potent responses political, social, and moral blessings," that in paraded in the public prints to show that slavery of the people forbid a cessation of agitation and these vain attacks he but wastes his breath, and will thrive and prosper in Kansas; that its soul

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