artists residing abroad, and all other paintings and statuary: Provided, The same be imported in good faith as objects of taste, and not of merchandise; personal household effects (not merchandise) of citizens of the United States dying abroad; plaster of Paris anground; platina, unmanufactured; sheathing copper, but no copper to be considered such, and admitted free, except in sheets forty-eight inches long and fourteen inches wide, and weighing from fourteen to thirtyfour ounces the square foot; sheathing

metal; specimens of natural history, mineralogy, or botany; trees, shrubs, bulbs, plants, and roots, not otherwise provided for; wearing apparel in actual use, and other personal effects, not merchandise, professional books, instruments, implements, and tools of trade, occupation, or employment, of persons arriving in the United States: Provided, That this exemption shall not be construed to include machinery or other articles imported for use in any manufacturing establishinent or for sale.

est.

THE British mails for the last month brought little intelligence of marked interThe new ministry has carried its proposal for the settlement of the sugar duties, through its first stage, by the very decided majority of 265 to 135, much larger than had been anticipated. Sir Robert Feel gave the proposition his hearty support, upon the ground that it was necessary to supply the deficiency in the sugar duties, and that the system of differential duties could not have been permanent. A strong effort was made, out of Parliament, mainly by Anti-Slavery men, to excite the country against it, on the ground that it would aid the extension and retard the abolition of slavery. But it proved entirely abortive, and the measure was carried by a most triumphant vote. A very decided conviction was generally manifested that evil, instead of good, had resulted from the insulting and dictatorial interference of England in the affairs of other countries, under pretence of suppressing slavery. The Times upon this subject held the following strong and judicious language: "What right have we to interfere with the national institutions and customs of another country, except by the usual methods of example and precept? How should we feel if the United States should insult us with prohibitions on commerce, because we treated our white servants with hauteur, or because the laborers in England and the peasantry in Ireland are in a degraded and suffering condition?"

There was reason to believe that an effort would next be made to destroy or greatly reduce the enormous duties at present levied upon tobacco; and certainly, if free trade is to be adopted as the basis of the British commercial policy, there would seem to be no reason for maintaining so striking an exception as is manifest in the existing tobacco duties. The new ministry thus far has ably and successfully maintained its position.

In connection with its discussion of the ministerial sugar bill, the Spectator has some interesting remarks upon slavery, suggesting certain measures which, in its opinion, would do much towards procuring its ultimate abolition. Of these, the chief is the abandonment, on the part of England, of her armed intervention for the prevention of the slave trade. This, it is urged, would remove the distrust with which foreign nations now regard the action of the British Government upon this subject-make the traffic free, and thus increase the value of slaves, making their health and comfort matters of interest to their owners, and thus removing many of the horrors which now surround the tradegive to the West Indies the population of which they now stand in greatest need, that of free laborers, and thus set an example of successful emancipation in those islands which would exert a most beneficial influence upon slaveholding nations. At present, abolition in the West Indies seems to have failed, from the lack of that kind of labor by which alone their plantations can be worked. The immigration which the abandonment of the armed intervention would promote, it is contended, would supply this want, and thus show that emancipation was not only safe but profitable. The effect of this policy upon Africa is also discussed. It would tend greatly to people her western shore with free blacks, and thus gradually substitute the civilization of Europe for the savage and brutal ignorance which now overshadows that immense continent. "Were the West Indies fully peopled," says the Spectator, "our stations on the coast of Western Africa would become really colonies. Although the climate excludes the AngloSaxon race, Anglo-Saxon influences would take root, would fructify, and would spread towards the interior."

A very serious schism has occurred in the ranks of the Irish Repealers. It grew

out of the difference of opinion which has existed for a long time, upon the propriety of an ultimate resort to physical force to accomplish the objects of the Association. O'Connell has always avowed the most decided opposition to such a step, and has uniformly insisted that they must rely entirely upon moral suasion. The younger branch of the Repeal league have from time to time evinced a disposition to go farther, and to threaten the government with revolution and a civil war if their demands were not granted. The Nation newspaper, originally the leading Repeal organ in the kingdom, has of late fallen into Young Ireland's hands, and has proclaimed, in terms too explicit to be mistaken, the necessity of an ultimate appeal to arms. It was finally found necessary to repudiate these opinions, and accordingly at a late meeting of the Association at Dublin, Mr. J. O'Connell, in obedience to his father's injunctions, proceeded to denounce the Nation and its friends as unsafe counselors, and as advising a course to which Repealers could not accede, and for which the Association must not be held responsible. The debate which followed ended in the withdrawal of Young Ireland, led by Mr. Smith O'Brien. There has been for some time a suspicion on the part of the latter, that Mr. O'Connell and his friends would form a union with the Whig party in Parliament. It has been indignantly denied; but fears were undoubtedly entertained that it would, nevertheless, be effected, and this apprehension had not a little to do in bringing about the result. The rupture must destroy the cause. O'Connell will probably join the Whigs, or at all events will have nothing to do with physical force. If Young Ireland preserves its existence, it must go on to the violence which it threatens. Such an appeal would plunge the country into a civil war, in which, however, the immense superiority of England would speedily prevail, and thus would the repeal agitation be brought to a bloody conclusion. It is much more probable that O'Connell's policy will prevail, and that, through his union with the Whigs who are now in power, some satisfactory measures for the relief of Ireland will be adopted.

Upon the continent, nothing has transpired of special interest. Another attempt has been made upon the life of Louis Phillippe; but it had no importance, and was simply the freak of an insane boy. M. GUIZOT, at a public dinner given him by his constituents, made an address full of wise and judicious reflections upon the condition of France, and the governmental policy which her prosperity demands. France, he said, requires no new revolution, but only a government determined to fulfill all its duties. She is a free country, possessing and enjoying equality, constitutional

liberty, national independence. She has a liberal government, and therefore a government of progress; for "when liberty exists in a country, when it dwells in the bosom of order, progression is infallible; it is accomplished spontaneously, day by day, in the free development of individual liberties, under the protection of public order." This is the progress which meets all real wants from its natural tendency. And a survey of the condition of France, M. Guizor contended, would show that it had been secured. We make the following extract from this address, not more for its description of the state of things in France, than for the force and pertinence of its sentiments when applied to the condition of this country:

"Are material interests in question? at what period have they been found to make a progress so rapid, so expanding, increasing with so much activity, not only by the efforts of the citizens, by individual industry, but with the energetic and permanent concurrence of the government, of all the great powers of the State? Is the political progress the matter for consideration? This I shall comprise in one word. The first, the most urgent, the most essential point of all, was the creation of a grand party for constitutional government-a Conservative party. All the world has said this. The true constitutional system consists in the presence of two parties—a Government party, and an Opposition party; each having their principles, their standards, their leaders-daily discussing, each on his own side, the affairs and interests of the country; opposing idea to idea, judgment to judgment, system to system. This, gentlemen, is what every true friend to our institutions has earnesly prayed for. This, in fact, is the only regular condition of a representative government-is the present want for the future security of the country. This progress is beginning to be accomplished among us. It is important for the present, and still more important for the future. We shall one day have need of all the strength, all the consistence, all the authority of a Conservative party. We shall congratulate ourselves, therefore, if it be formed, exercised, and brought into discipline in advance, during times more free than those when all its wisdom and energy may be put to the proof. This, however, is certainly not the sole political progress we have to make. We are now commencing, and shall perfect many others. We are proceeding to the most essential, the most pressing; but very far from rejecting any others, the Conservative policy is desirous of having them, and will accept them all. It will examine them, and discuss them, with a sincere disposition to adopt such as are eligible. It only wishes, as it has its duty to do, that they may be genuine

and serious improvements, in harmony with the general wants of society-its essential principles. Do not believe, gentlemen, that material and even political progression are the only subjects of contemplation in the Conservative policy. It holds also, and above all, to the promotion of the moral interests, the moral prosperity of the people. It wishes the increase of the moral value of the citizens quite as much as their welfare and liberty. How should it be otherwise? How could the Conservative policy not propose and not attain this object? What are the principles, what the sentiments, upon which it labors to establish and to honor? Respect for order-respect for laws-respect for duties-respect for religious creeds. What influence is there more moral than that of such principles and such sentiments? And how should not the policy which takes them as its rule of conduct not tend to the moral amelioration of society? Such are, gentlemen, under whatever aspect you consider it, order or liberty, material or moral interests in everything relating to the life and internal affairs of our society, such are the effects of the Conservative policy, judged, not by its promises, but by its works.'

The new Pope, Pius IX., had published his general amnesty, which was received with universal rejoicing. In the commencement of the document he tells the people that, at the very moment when their rejoicing at his elevation to the pontificate rose sweetly to his ear, he was penetrated with sorrow on thinking that many heads of families and misguided youth were languishing in prison; and that he then determined to liberate all those who were sin cerely repentant, and who would pledge themselves to future good behavior. He next announces, that not only political prisoners should be released, but that all exiles might return to their country, provided they made known their intentions to the several Nuncios within a year; and he ends by stating, that though ecclesiastics, military officers, and public employés are excluded, their cases will be taken into consideration, and he holds out a promise of grace to them. The concluding words of the address are as touching as the commencement. The Pope calls on the people to combine for the common good," in order that every link of the chain uniting father and son by the grace of God shall remain unbroken," and then, like a wise monarch, he tells them," that though clemency is the pleasing attribute of a sovereign, justice is his first duty."

The amnesty was published on the 17th of July. The political prisoners in the castle of St. Angelo were at once released, and orders were dispatched to all the depôts for the immediate liberation of all persons included in the act of grace. The

proceedings of the new sovereign, thus far, have given universal satisfaction, and the belief is general that he will go on with the work of reform and carry it into every department of the state. The Rome correspondent of the Times says that the administration of justice, which is in a deplorable state, will shortly be improved; and a rigid inquiry is going on, not only as to the sources from whence the public revenue is raised, but into the causes which render taxation so oppressive to the people, and so unproductive in the result. New principles are about to be established; a reduction of duties so as to prevent smuggling from the Neapolitan territory, is propared; and in the course of another year vast and beneficial changes will be made. These expectations give new promise to the Papal States, and in connection with the movements which have been exhibited in other quarters, encourage the belief that a new day is dawning upon Italy.

The excavations of Pompeii are still continued, and in recent Italian journals some interesting details are given of their results. During the recent session of the Scientific Congress a house was exposed in their honor, which had evidently belonged to a rich citizen. The frescoes found there were well executed, but the other parts were not in any way remarkable. The house known by the title of the "Hunters"," is now entirely exposed. It is only remarkable for its pictures, which all relate to hunting, and are executed with a certain vigor. The house examined on the occasion of the visit of the Emperor of Russia presented nothing worthy of notice; a few amphoræ and some bronzes were found, but their quality was exceedingly ordinary. The visit of the Empress of Russia brought to light a portable kitchen. It is made of iron, and prepared with cavities to receive the saucepans containing the meat and vegetables. A recent excavation has discovered a house, in one of the rooms of which was lying the skeleton of a man, and near him thirty-six silver coins and two gold ones. The latter were of the time of Domitian, and the silver pieces bore the likeness and name of Vespasian.

The difficulties in the Caucasus still continue. The latest accounts state that the late appearance of Schamyl in the Plains of Cabardia had produced an immense impres sion among all the mountain tribes of the west. Notwithstanding the jealousy and natural antipathy of the various popula tions, who do not speak the same language, the voice of the prophet Schamyl had not failed to produce its effect in Cabardia, and numerous tribes of the Plain had taken up arms for him. The numerical superiority of the Russian army, which amounts to 60,000 men, on the borders of the Terek, has compelled Schamyl to retire into the mountains, not having the means to con

tend in the Plain with advantage against the combined Russian compact infantry and cannon; but many of the Cabardian tribes have followed him into the interior of the great Tschetschuya, leaving behind them their villages to be destroyed by the Cossacks, and only carrying away with them their arms. These tribes have considerably increased Schamyl's army, which already consisted of 20,000 men, when he crossed the Terek. Although the bold plan of this renowned chief did not wholly succeed, his intrepidity is, however, to be admired. He had spread alarm even to the walls of Tekaderinadid, the capital of the Tschernomerian Cossacks. At no time had a Tschetschentsian chief ventured to undertake so long and bold a march through a triple line of Russian fortresses. So great was the consternation among the Russians, that General Luders did not think himself safe at Stauropol, the head-quarters of the Russian army of operations, which he has tily left, marching in the direction of the fortresses on the borders of the Kuban.

M. de Mas-Latrie, who had been charged by the Minister of Public Instruction with a scientific mission in the East, has just returned home, after visiting Syria, Balbec, Sidon, Tyre, Egypt and Cyprus. He staid some time in the last named place, and procured there a number of original documents relative to the Middle Ages, as well

as several antique objects, which he has presented to the Bibliotheque du Roi. The most remarkable object which he speaks of as having seen in his travels is a large slab of basalt, covered with cuneiform inscriptions, and bearing the figure of a king or priest, holding a sceptre in the left hand. This curious monument, which appears to belong to the period of the Assyrian Art, could, M. de Mas-Latrie believes, be easily obtained possession of.

In India the triumphant success of the British has met with some check at the Fortress of Kote Kangra, belonging to the Sikhs, which still holds out against all the efforts and artillery of the English army which has invested it; and, what is worse still, there is no prospect as yet of its being taken. It is said to be equal to Gibraltar, and absolutely impregnable. The Sikh commander of this extensive place is called Killadar, which signifies "the handsome lion." An immense treasure in gold and silver is said to be contained in the fortress, and the greatest anxiety prevails to reduce it. The "handsome lion" has refused to listen to any terms, and rejects every offer, while the place and the garrison are proof against the bombs and every missile of the British army. The English are greatly irritated by the delay, and fear, if longer continued, the treasure may by some means escape their grasp.

STANDARD LIBRARY.-Roscoe's Life of Leo the Tenth. London, Bohn; New York, Bartlett & Welford.

It has been conceded on all hands, that one of the most classical and elegant pieces of writing in our language is the Life of Lorenzo de Medici, the father of Leo the Tenth, by the distinguished Merchant Author, of Liverpool. Even an ordinary treatment of such a subject as the times and career of the brilliant Florentine would be of very great interest. Leo X. was one of the most remarkable men that Italy, a country for several centuries prolific in great men, ever produced. Ambitious and accomplished, his plans of aggrandizement were made to embrace the widest reign of taste the establishment of Literature, and the cultivation of the arts-rendering his period the second Augustan age. In addition, moreover, to the number of splendid men and the stirring events belonging to his own time, a satisfactory account of the career of Leo X. must take in a large portion of Florentine history, connected with the annals of the Medicean Family, and many preceding characters and events, whose course affected the condition of Italy and of Europe. Such a biography, there

fore, would, in fact, form a large part of Italian history, and that altogether the most brilliant and varied. And such is Roscoe's life and character of Leo. It is quite as full as any history of that period need to be. It is written, too, not only with a singular union of dignity and grace, so that in point of style it may be compared with any narrative in the English language, but with those higher requisites of history, thorough candor and humanity. Roscoe may have had his prejudices, but he has shown very few of them in his work. This is especially evident in his portraiture of Cæsar Borgia. He does not forbear to give the true and terrible character of the man, but it is done with such modifications, as belong to the reasonable spirit of impartial history. Cæsar Borgia was acknowledged to have great talents-and, as to character, no man has ever become utterly inhuman. This work has had high praisebut nothing, we think, that it has not deserved.

We so utterly dislike the reciprocal piracy system of republication on both sides of the Atlantic, that we are glad to see good books introduced at such low prices as are these volumes of "The Standard Library," by Messrs. Bartlett & Welford.