the day. Many important topics are under discussion in parliament, and still more weighty questions of domestic and foreign policy are making large demands on the time and absorbing the thoughts of the administration. It is, therefore, not probable, as Baron Ricasoli intimated, that he will be able to consider the subject of the convention until the adjournment of the national legislature shall leave him more at leisure. In the meantime the negotiations with the English and French governments on the same subject will probably be brought to a close, and the final decision of the Italian government will be much influenced by that of England and France. The death of Count Cavour, after an illness of a week's duration, and which, for the first few days, was not of a threatening character, was a great shock to the friends of constitutional liberty and progress, and an occasion of much ill-suppressed exultation among the advocates of temporal and spiritual despotism throughout Europe, and especially in Italy. To me, personally, it is a source of profound regret, both for less selfish reasons and because I had special grounds for expecting, more from his often expressed high regard for the President and yourself than from any other cause, agreeable private and official relations with this great statesman. The successor of Count Cavour-and I may apply the same remark to most if not all of the members of the cabinet-is a man of a high order of talent, of great devotion to the interests of his country, of the same general doctrines of national policy as his predecessor, and of sincere attachment to the principles of civil and religious liberty. The remarkable unanimity with which the new cabinet is sustained by the parliament is a favorable omen, so far as respects the domestic success of the government; and there is some reason to think that the death of a prime minister, who was regarded with so much personal ill will by the reactionary party in Italy and elsewhere in Europe, may tend to diminish the asperity with which his policy has been hitherto opposed by that party. * * I am, sir, respectfully yours, Hon. WILLIAM H. SEWARD, * * GEO. P. MARSH. Secretary of State. Mr. Marsh to Mr. Seward. [Extracts.] No. 5.] LEGATION OF THE UNITED STATES, SIR: Having heard a report that Mr. Patterson, consul of the United States at Genoa, expects a commission from the Southern Confederacy to act as consul of the rebel States at that port, I called on Baron Ricasoli yesterday morning, and protested against the recognition of Mr. Patterson, or of any other person, as a consular agent of the confederacy. Baron Ricasoli assured me that, under present circumstances, at least, no such agent would be recognized at any Italian port, and he took occasion to repeat, in strong language, the expression of his own warm sympathy with the federal government of the United States, and his earnest hope that the present contest between the government and the seceding States would end in the re-establishment of the lawful authority of the Union, and be settled on terms which would secure the triumph of the principles of freedom, and the ultimate extinction of human slavery. He added that, in these expressions he was speaking the sentiments of his Majesty and of the entire government of which he was a member. I then referred to apprehensions which had been expressed in America of the fitting out of privateers in remote Italian ports under the confederate flag. He replied that the government officers would endeavor to prevent such violations of the laws, but that it would be difficult to exercise a vigilant supervision over all the remote and unfrequented ports of the peninsula and islands, and he advised the appointment of American consuls at points favorable for observation along the coasts, as a good means of detecting and preventing such movements. I had, on the same day, an audience of the Prince of Carignano, who expressed opinions and feelings similar to those of Baron Ricasoli with respect to our present national difficulties, and I may add that every member of the government, and almost every gentleman in public life, with whom I have conversed at Turin, coincides in these sentiments. * * * * * * The favorable sentiments with which the present administration of the federal government is regarded by most continental statesmen, are founded (independently of the high personal regard felt for the President and his constitutional advisers) partly on the opinion that it is sustaining the cause of constitutional authority, of the entirety of nationalities and of established order against causeless rebellion, violent disruption of a commonwealth essentially a unit, and disorganizing and lawless misrule; but still more, I think, on the belief that the struggle in which it is now involved is virtually a contest between the propagandists of domestic slavery and the advocates of emancipation and universal freedom. If the civil war be protracted, I am convinced that our hold upon the sympathy and good will of the governments, and still more of the people of Europe, will depend upon the distinctness with which this issue is kept before them, and if it were now proposed by the federal government to purchase the submission of the south by any concession to their demands on this subject, or by assuming any attitude but that of, at least, moral hostility to slavery, I have no doubt that the dissolution of the Union would be both desired and promoted by a vast majority of those who now hope for its perpetuation. SIR: Your despatch of June 27, No. 3, has been received. The account it gives us of your reception and of the sentiments and feelings of the Italian government in regard to the United States is very satisfactory to the President. We are pleased with your prompt and vigilant attention to the matters affecting the public interest, especially the supposed project of fitting out hostile armaments at Genoa. Renewing my best wishes for the prosperity of Italy under the new ministry so happily inaugurated, I am, sir, your obedient servant, WILLIAM H. SEWARD. GEORGE P. MARSH, Esq., &c., &c., &c., Turin. You will express to Baron Ricasoli the high appreciation which this government entertains of his decision in regard to our affairs. You will be pained by the intelligence of a reverse of our arms near Manassas Junction, and I fear it will, for a time, operate to excite apprehensions and encourage the enemies of the Union in Europe; but the blow has already spent its force here without producing any other effect than renewed resolution and confidence in the success of the government. The lesson that war cannot be waged successfully without wisdom as well as patriotism has been received at a severe cost; but, perhaps, it was necessary. It is certain that we are improving upon it. I am, sir, your obedient servant, GEORGE P. MARSH, Esq., &c., &c., Turin. WILLIAM H. SEWARD. No. 14.] Mr. Marsh to Mr. Seward. LEGATION OF THE UNITED STATES, SIR: I have the honor to enclose herewith a copy of a note addressed by me to Baron Ricasoli on the 26th ultimo, in relation to the proposed convention for the accession of the United States to the declaration of the congress of Paris in 1856. By my instructions, under date of April 24, 1861, I am directed as follows: "To ascertain whether it (the government of his Majesty the King of Italy) is disposed to enter into negotiations for the accession of the United States to the declaration of the Paris congress, with the conditions annexed by that body to the same; and if you shall find the government so disposed, you will then enter into a convention to that effect, substantially in the form of a project for that purpose herewith transmitted to you." The project transmitted with the instructions makes no mention of the important conditions referred to in the instructions, and therefore, in drawing up the note, I thought it best not to notice the conditions specifically, but to make the proposal in general terms, leaving that point to be arranged, if suggested by the Italian government, as I shall be instructed hereafter. I have the honor to be, sir, with high respect, your obedient servant, GEORGE P. MARSH. Hon. WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Secretary of State. Mr. Marsh to Baron Ricasoli. LEGATION OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA, Turin, August 26, 1861. The undersigned, envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary of the United States of America, as he had the honor to state in one of his first interviews with his excellency the minister of foreign affairs, is instructed to propose the negotiation of a convention between the government of the United States and the government of his Majesty the King of Italy for defining the rights of belligerents and neutrals in maritime warfare, in accordance with the principles adopted by the congress of Paris in the year 1856. Similar instructions have been given by the President to the American ministers at the courts of the other maritime powers, and negotiations to that effect are now in progress with all the governments represented at the congress of Paris. It will be remembered by his excellency the minister of foreign affairs that in the year 1854 the President of the United States submitted to the several maritime nations two propositions, to which he solicited their assent as permanent principles of international law. These were : 1. Free ships make free goods-that is to say, that the effects or goods belonging to subjects or citizens of a power or state at war are free from capture or confiscation when found on board of neutral vessels, with the exception of articles contraband of war. 2. That the property of neutrals on board an enemy's vessel is not subject to confiscation, unless the same be contraband of war. These propositions were favorably entertained by most of the governments to which they were submitted, but no formal convention for their recognition was negotiated between them and the United States. The congress of Paris, at which most of the European powers were represented, adopted, upon the 16th of April, 1856, an agreement embracing substantially these principles, with two additional propositions; all of which were embodied in a declaration composed of four articles, namely: 1. Privateering is and remains abolished. 2. The neutral flag covers enemy's goods, with the exception of contraband of war. 3. Neutral goods, with the exception of contraband of war, are not liable to capture under enemy's flag. 4. Blockades, in order to be binding, must be effective-that is to say, maintained by a force sufficient really to prevent access to the coast of the enemy. The congress further agreed to invite the maritime states not represented in that body to accede to these propositions, and the assent of the government of the United States was asked to them accordingly. The then President of the United States, Franklin Pierce, did not accede to the stipulations of the convention, but proposed an amendment to the first article which should exempt the private property of individuals, though belonging to belligerent states, from seizure or confiscation by national vessels in maritime war; and the ministers of the United States at Paris and London were instructed to inform the governments to which they were accredited that the United States would accede to the four points above recited, provided the first of them should be amended to the effect proposed by the President. Neither of these governments is understood to have objected to this amendment, but the negotiations were not prosecuted to a conclusion. The President of the United States adheres to the opinion expressed by his predecessor, that it would be eminently desirable for the good of all nations that the property and effects of private individuals, not contraband, should be exempt from seizure and confiscation by national vessels in maritime war. But the proposal to that effect not having been accepted by the nations represented in the congress of 1856, he now offers to accede to the invitation of the powers, and to accept the declaration promulgated by it, deferring to a future occasion the further prosecution of negotiations for the general adoption of the amendment above specified. The undersigned is invested with full powers to conclude, on the part of the President, a convention between the government of the United States and that of his Majesty the King of Italy for the adoption of the declaration of the congress of Paris, and begs leave to invite the attention of his excellency the minister of foreign affairs to the proposal. The undersigned avails himself of this occasion to renew to his excellency the minister of foreign affairs the assurance of his most distinguished consideration. His Excellency Baron RICASOLI, GEORGE P. MARSH. President of the Council and Minister of Foreign Affairs. Mr. Seward to Mr. Marsh. No. 18.] DEPARTMENT OF STATE, Washington, September 20, 1861. SIR: Your despatch of August 26th, No. 12, has been received. I send you, in confidence, a copy of my latest instructions to Mr. Adams and Mr. Dayton, from which you will learn that the negotiations with Great Britain and France for an accession to the declaration of the congress at Paris have been suspended, and the causes of the suspension. We are desirous to act in good faith, and to acquit ourselves of all responsi bility for the failure of negotiations with enlightened powers for the advancement of the interests of peace and humanity; and yet we are at the same time resolved to maintain the independent position and the dignity of our government. We therefore hold ourselves ready to perfect a convention with the government of Italy for our accession; and at the same time you will not urge the proposition against any disinclination which that government may express or intimate. We shall be the friend of Italy; and Italy, we are sure, cannot be otherwise than friendly to us, no matter what treaty relations exist or fail to be made. I am, sir, your obedient servant, GEORGE P. MARSH, Esq., &c., &c., Turin. WILLIAM H. SEWARD. |
