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330 CONG....20 Sess.
Execution of United States Laus—Mr. Douglas.
opposition had grown to such length that the flag we not all owe allegiance to the same Constitution? southern interests which he insinuates that I poswhich bore this minisier to his destination carried Are we not all bound alike to support it by the same sess, and remarked, that where the treasure is also the plot of moral treason from our shores, to oath? Do we not all acknowledge accountability there the heart is also. So long as the statement, incite hostility to his success, and render his efforts to the same eternal God? How, then, can a vote, that I was one of the largest slaveholders in Amer. in behalf of his country abortive. Malignity, in given in obedience to that oath, to carry into effect ica was confined to the Abolition newspapers and its most violent spirit, has not the temerity to the provisions of that Constitution, in the pres- stump orators, I treated it with silent contempt. I charge that one whose life has been devoted to the ence of the same Divine Being, be just and honest would gladly do so on this occasion, were it not cause of republicanism would falter in the per- when given by a Senator from one portion of the
for the fact that the reference is made in my presformance of any duty. And though, sir, the chief Republic, and at the same time be nefarious and ence by a Senator for the purpose of impuling to object which his country expected him to accom- infamous when given by a Senator from another me a mercenary motive for my official conduct. plish as Minister to Spain having failed, yet the portion of the same country?
Under these circumstances, silence on my part in confidence of his fellow-citizens has not abated. Sir, if this bill is right South, it is right North; regard to the fact, might be construed into a con
I will say to the gentleman from Virginia, (Mr. | if it is honest South, it is honest North; if its fession of guilt in reference to the impeachment of LETCHER,] if the dangers which he has so elo- || support be right in a southern man, it cannot be motive. I therefore say to the Senator, that his quently depicted as impending over the country wrong in a northern man. Sir, I despise this mis- insinuation is false, and he knows it to be false, actually exist, when the hour of trial shall come erable attempt to excite prejudice against a just if he has ever searched the records or has any relihe will find this much-abused statesman in the land necessary measure, for no better reason than able information upon the subject. I am not the front rank, defending his country's cause, and that it was reported from the appropriate com- owner of a slave and never have been, nor have I from him may be learned a lesson of true patriot- i mittee by a Senator from Connecticut instead of ever received, and appropriated to my own use, ism and an example worthy of his imitation. a Senator from South Carolina. God forbid that one dollar earned by slave labor. It is true that
The extreme opinions imputed to Mr. Soulé | I should judge the merits of a legislative enactment I once had tendered to me, under circumstances upon those territorial questions which were sup-by the residence of the man who happened to be grateful to my feelings, a plantation with a large posed to be settled by the friends of that system the organ of the committee for introducing it. number of slaves upon it, which I declined to of measures, now regarded by the gentleman from It is not the first time I have seen on this foor accept, not because I had any sympathy with Virginia as being a delusion upon the South, fur- | those who obtained their seats in the Senate by Abolitionists or the Abolition movement; but for nishes a flimsy pretext for the assault upon that appeals to passion and prejudice at home, by stir- the reason that, being a northern man by birth, by minister.
ring up sectional strifes, and inflaming the North | education, and residence, and intending always to But the grave charge is made that Mr. Soulé against the South, become the fawning sycophants remain such, it was impossible for me to know, has not only subjected himself to the fault of con- and fulsome flatterers of those very southern men understand, and provide for the wants, comforts, tending for all the rights of the South, but another whom they have traduced and maligned; whose and happiness of those people. I refused to accept and greater disqualification, urged against him character, constituents, institutions, and civiliza-them because I was unwilling to assume responsiand the policy of the Administration in his ap- || tion they are in the daily habit of denouncing as bilities which I was incapable of fulfilling. This pointment, is found in the fact that he was born in criminal and infamous in the eyes of God and man. fact is referred to in the will of my father-in-law, the country where Lafayette claimed his birthright, Wrong for a northern man to introduce a bill pro- as a reason for leaving the plantation and slaves and in which lies entombed that manly form of viding for the execution of the laws of the land, to his only daughter, (who became the mother nature's nobleman who, with sword unsheathed, which it is right for a southern man to support, of my infant children,) as her separate and exclu. side by side with the Father of his Country, and for which these immaculate anti-slavery men sive estate, with the request that if she departed exposed himself to every danger, submitted to say they would vote were they southern men. this life without surviving children, the slaves every sacrifice, and, without flinching, shed his That is the argument. It is the argument of should be emancipated and sent to Liberia at blood to triumph in battle and achieve the inde- | all who seek to dissolve this Union. Array the the expense of her estate; but in the event she pendence of our country.
North against the South-stimulate the passions should leave surviving children, the slaves should Mr. Chairman, however willing others may be of each-urge them into deadly conflict-tell the descend to them, under the belief, expressed in to disregard the plain provisions of the Constitu- | South you do not blame them; that you would the will, that they would be happier and better tion securing political rights to the adopted citi do as they do, were you southern men; that you off with the descendants of the family with whom zens, I will not, here or elsewhere, perpetrate such only blame those northern doughfaces or traitors they had been born and raised, than in a disa libel upon that instrument either to obtain favor who seek to preserve peace and fraternity by a tant land where they might find no friend to care from a powerful party or avoid its proscription. strict obedience to the Constitution and a faithful for them. This brief statement, relating to pri
execution of the laws made in pursuance of it. vate and domestic affairs, (which ought to be per
Yes, we are called traitors because of our fidelity mitted to remain private and sacred,) has been EXECUTION OF UNITED STATES LAWS. to the Constitution. Doughfaces and cowards extorted and wrung from me with extreme re
because of our obedience to that Constitution as luctance, even in vindication of the purity of my SPEECH OF HON. S. A. DOUGLAS,
our fathers made it, and we, upon the holy Evan- | motives in the performance of a high public trust.
gelist, swore to preserve in violate. Doughfaces As the truth compelled me to negative the insinOF ILLINOIS, because we stand between the Constitution and
uation so offensively made by the Senator from FRIDAY, February 23, 1855.
those who seek to trample upon its provisions; Ohio, God forbid that I should be understood by
because we stand between the Union and those The Senate having under consideration the bill
any one as being willing to cast from me any whose measures are aimed at its destruction. to provide for the protection of Officers and other | They tell us that we are in vain attempting to
responsibility that now does, or ever has attached
to any member of my family. So long as life persons executing ihe Laws of the United States,
resist an overwhelming torrent of northern senti- shall last-and I shall cherish with religious ven, debate ensued, of which the following is part. The other part'has been heretofore published. (See self-destruction; that we are destined to be swept mother of my children-so long as my heart shall
ment; that our course is rushing us to inevitable eration the memory and virtues of the sainted pp. 211-246.)
from the face of the earth, and sunk to the lowest be filled with parental solicitude for the happiness Mr. DOUGLAS said: Mr. President, I am at depths of obloquy and infamy, from which there of those motherless infants, I implore my enemies
, a loss to understand the precise object of the Sen- is no resurrection. With this awful doom im.
who so ruthlessly invade the domestic sanctuator from Ohio (Mr. WADE) in the extraordinary | pending over us, doughfaces and cowards as we
ary, to do re the favor to believe, that I have no course of remark in which he has indulged. Fail- are, we calmly look the storm in the face, defy wish, no aspiration, to be considered purer or ing to maintain the positions he assumed in oppo- | its mutterings and howlings about our heads, and better than she, who was, or they, who are, slavesition to the bill, he has poured forth a torrent of hold on firmly to the Union and to the Constitution holders. Sir, whenever my assailants shall refuse denunciation and calumny in the place of facts and as the surest and only means of preserving it, to accept a like amount of this species of property argument. After denouncing the bill as monstrous while the sentence is being pronounced which is lendered to them under similar circumstances, and nefarious-one which no honest man can sup- to decide our fate. This is cowardice, when cour- and shall perform a domestic trust with equal port—he says he does not blame southern men age consists in pandering to the passions and prej- fidelity and disinterestedness, it will be time for advocating it, and insisting upon its passage. udices of those immediately around you, while enough for them to impute mercenary motives to He has even gone to the extent of declaring that, you hurl defiance and insult and calumny at those me in the performance of my official duties, wicked and nefarious as it is in all its provisions who are a thousand miles distant. We would Now, sir, a few words in regard to the bill and principles, yet, were be a southern man, and cease to be doughfaces, and become as brave as which has furnished the occasion for this furiche representative from a slaveholding State, he you, if we would only have the courage to throw ous onslaught upon my friend from Connecticut would vote for it. That is to say, it is an iniqui- overboard the Constitution as the compass by (Mr. ToUcEY) and myself.
What objection has tous measure, and if he were a southern man he which to guide the ship of State, and run with would perpetrate the inquiry; it is a base act, but | wind and tide, setting a sail for every breeze, by a northern instead of a southern man? The
been urged to it, except that it was introduced if he were a southern man, and it would promote and changing our course with the shiftings of the same objection was urged to the Nebraska bill, his interest, he would perform the deed! Accord wind. You can pay us no higher compliment than when I reported it from the Committee on Terriing to his doctrine, the act is infamous if per-' is contained in the charge that we stand firmly by stories, in accordance with the principles recogs formed by a northern man; right and honest, if our principles, regardless of consequences per: nized in the compromise of 1850, which that done by a southern man! Sir, I was not educated sonal to ourselves, and hazarding popularity and Senator, and the party with which he then proin that school of morality which teaches that the position in preference to yielding to those merce- fessed to act, were solemnly pledged to adhere 10 same act is morally right or wrong, is virtuous or nary and ambitious allurements which seduce bad in substance and principle." You, sir, (turn; iniquitous, according to the parallels of latitude men from their fidelity to the Constitution. where the man resides who may perform it. If an
ing to Mr. Wade,] not only supported General
Mr. President, the Senator from Ohio (Mr. Scott upon the Whig platform in 1852, but affirmed afirmative vote on the bill be morally right in a WADE) has invaded the
circle of my private rela- | the same principles in your vote for the WashSenator from the South, I am unable to perceive tions in search of materials for the impeachment of lington territorial bill in 1853, which, like the NE how it can be wrong in a northern Senator. Do Il my official action. He has alluded to certain braska bill, repealed a prohibition of slavery, in
order that the people might have the opportunity || dissolve the Union, and release yourselves from and had taken all the unholy oaths of proscription of deciding the slavery question for themselves in that obligation. Disunion has no terrors. The forbidden by the Constitution? I have called upon conformity with the principles recognized in the very declaration implies a willingness to see the act any man in this Senate to specify a member of compromise of 1850.
perpetrated whenever necessary to accomplish a Congress, or of the Senate, from a free State, The bill for the organization of Washington cherished object. The Abolition movement means elected since the Nebraska bill was passed, who Territory received the vote of every northern Sena- | agitation, irritation, sectional strife, until aliena- was not either a Nebraska man, or sent here by tor who now denounces me for doing, in Nebraska, tion shall take the place of fraternal feeling. The | the Know-Nothing vote. precisely what each of them did in Washington | leaders understand this, and hope to carry the Then what is the use of pretending any more Territory only eleven months before! If you are masses with them by appeals to their prejudices that the elections in the North turned on anti-Nesincere in your complaints of my conduct in ref- and passions, until the fatal step shall be taken, braska alone. How was it with my colleague, (Mr. erence to Nebraska, what explanation, what ex- before the real and final object shall be discovered, Shields,) whose case has been referred to in this cuse are you prepared to give your constituents much less avowed. In the midst of all this Ne- || debate? He voted forthe Nebraska bill in obedifor your betrayal of what you are pleased to call braska cry, they care no more for the provisions ence to the positive peremptory instructions of the northern rights in Washington Territory? Ifl of that bill than they did for the Washington ter- || Legislature of Illinois, first given in 1851, and then betrayed the cause of freedom in 1854, you set ritorial bill when they voted for it. There is not a repeated while the Nebraska bill was pending here, me the example in 1853. The bill passed this || principle, there is not an objectionable provision, in and before he voted. Now they say ihey have debody unanimously about three months after the the Nebraska bill, that you did not vote for in the feated him because he voted for Nebraska. There presidential election, when both parties were Washington territorial bill eleven months before. is consistency for you. First instruct a man to do pledged by their platforms to sustain the principle Then we may as well look this question directly an act and then beat him for doing it. You profess of allowing the people of each State and Territory in the face. It is a question of union or disunion. to believe in the doctrine of instructions, and talk to decide the slavery question for themselves. I
repeat, no sane man believes that this Union can about Senators misrepresenting their constituen. Why did you not sound'the alarm, and proclaim be preserved, except by fidelity to the Constitu- cies. The fusion Legislature of Illinois at its recent to the world that the sacred cause of freedom had tion. As long as the Constitution is carried out session, or the popular branch of it, passed resolubeen betrayed by northern doughfaces when you in its letter and in its spirit, and laws are passed | tions declaring it to be the imperative duty of a and your party in all the free States pledged your- and executed in obedience to its requirements, this Senator to obey the instructions of the Legislature, selves to this principle in the presidential elec- Union is safe.
and at the same time voted down a resolution tions of 1852, and carried it into practical oper. Then the question is, shall we be true and loyal | approving the conduct of my colleague and myself ation in the Washington territorial bill in 1853? to the Constitution? If we are, we will enforce in obeying a peremptory instruction! The truth If you are honest men, if you are sincere in your all laws of the United States, passed in obedience is, my gallant and distinguished colleague was professions now, make an open and frank confes- to that instrument; and if there are combinations | doomed to defeat before that Legislature, whether sion of your crimes then. If you do not wish to in States, Territories, localities, or anywhere to he voted for or against the Nebraska bill. He stand upon the record self-convicted of all the nefa- | prevent the execution of those laws, we must had been guilty of the crime of being born in Irerious deeds which your malice imputes to others, | apply the proper remedy. All new States must land! Any other obstacle could have been relet us hear no more of this hypocritical cant for come into the Union on an equality with the old moved, any other offense pardoned in consideration political purposes about northern men introducing | States. Whatever power under the Constitution of eminent public services rendered to the land of bills for the extension of slavery, when southern may be exercised by any one State, may be exer- his adoption. All other stains upon his political men could not be found to take the initiative. You | cised by each and all of the States, new and old character had been washed out with his own blood, know that it was not the object of the Nebraska alike. So long as Virginia has the right to retain 80 profusely shed in vindicating the rights and bill, any more than of the Washington territorial or abolish slavery, Illinois and every other State | avenging the wrongs of his adopted country. bill, either to extend slavery or to circumscribe it. || has the same right, under the Constitution, to ad. || All other offenses could be freely pardoned upon You all know that neither ofthose bills was intended mit or exclude it in accordance with the wishes of the score of patriotic services; but that monstrous either to establish, or abolish, or to introduce, or her own people. When you attempt, therefore, | offense of being born in a foreign land, and espeexclude slavery; but that the real object and true to put a limitation on the new States which is not cially in old Ireland, was unpardonable in the eyes intent was to recognize in the Territories the great placed by the Constitution on all the States, you of Know-Nothingism, and hence the head of the principle of self-government, in obedience to which violate the great fundamental principle of equality || gallant Senator was brought to the block. And the people of each State and Territory coming among the States, and declare your unwillingness yet we are told that his defeat was an anti-Neinto the Union should decide for themselves what to abide by the compact that our fathers made. braska victory. He was stricken down by a comkind of institutions and laws were best adapted to Then, sir, what becomes of this cry about | bination of all the factions and isms of the day, of their condition and welfare. It was in obedience | invading the rights of the North? I deny the right which Abolitionism and Know-Nothingism were to this great principle, the principle in defense of of a band of men, who have, in turn, joined and the controlling elements. which the battles of the Revolution were fought, | been kicked out of each of the great political parties Unwilling to occury more of the time of the the principle for the preservation of which the because they were found to be unworthy to belong Senate, I will take my seat, with the hope that I Constitution of the United States was adopted, to either, and who have since formed a combina- will not be induced, even by assaults upon my the principle of popular rights and State equality tion with all the factions and isms of the day, conduct and motives, to trespass more upon the which underlies our whole system of representa under the title of the fusion party, to come here | time of the Senate. tive Government, for the preservation of this great and speak for the whole North. The North are Mr. BRAINERD. I will simply observe that principle it was that the Washington and Ne- a Union people, a law-abiding people, a people || I do not believe there were three hundred Knowbraska bills were passed in the form in which they loyal to the Constitution, and willing to perform || Nothings in the State of Vermont at our last elecnow appear on the statute-book,
its obligations. Once in a while, a combination of tion; at any rate, if there were, I was not aware The Senator from Ohio has appealed to the tra- | factions, brought together under extraordinary of the fact. I am here, therefore, certainly withditions of our fathers to sustain his position upon circumstances, may procure a majority, and send out any particular help, in any way, from any the slavery question. Well, sir, the tradition of a man here who is as much a misrepresentative of Know-Nothing. our fathers is that the Declaration of Independence the sentiment of the North as he is of all the was proclaimed, and the Revolution effected for courtesies and proprieties which should exist
RAILROAD IRON. the purpose of enabling the American people to among gentlemen here as well as elsewhere. I make their own laws, and establish their own hold, sir, that such men have no right to speak in i REMARKS OF HON. W. H. SEWARD, institutions. The object, then, was to secure for the name of the North or for the North. This
OF NEW YORK, the Colonies the same rights and privileges which Abolition faction, this disunion cabal, this set of the Nebraska recognizes and establishes in the men who make their reputation by slandering
IN SENATE, February 22, 1855. Territories. Why, then, this assault upon north better men than themselves, have never been the The bill to authorize a credit of three years on ern men for their fidelity to the Constitution, and true representatives of the North. They always Imported Railroad Iron being under considerato those principles of self government and constitu- come here by a bargain, and they go out at the tion, tional liberty, upon which our whole political sys- end of the term at which they arrive. Sir, (turn- Mr. SEWARD offered the following amendtem rests? The Senator has intimated the reason. ing to Mr. WADE,] you talk about your rebuke to ment as an additional section: He says the cry of disunion has no terror for him. northern men. I'do not wish to speak unkindly
Sec. —. And be it further enacted, That in order to es. That I can well understand. He, and those who to you, or to your colleague, (Mr. Chase,] but tend to railroad companies who may use American iron in act with him, do not consider themselves under your very colleague is to be succeeded by a Ne- the construction of their railroads, the same inducements any obligation to obey the Constitution, or to exe- braska man, (Mr. Pugh,) a true representative of
as are granted by this act to companies to use for ign iron, cute the laws made for the purpose of carrying the North, for the next six years, in the Senate
whenever any railroad company shall make it appear to the
satisfaction of the Secretary ofibe Treasury that they have it into effect, any further than they harmonize with of the United States. You talk about your anti- purchased, for their own usc, any iron rails, spikes, bolte, their views on the slavery question. Abolition- Nebraska men in Ohio. You do not deny that | fastenings, or other iron necessary for the construction of ism means disunion. Abolitionists are necessarily every one of them came here by Know-Nothing
railroads of American manufacture, it shall be the duty of disunionists, for no sane man believes that this votes. Why did you not boast, then, that there
the Secretary, and he is hereby authorized and directed, to
loan to said company an amount equal to the duties for Union can be maintained by any other means than had not been a man elected to Congress from the which credit will be given by this aci upon similar iron if fidelity to the Constitution. The Constitution free States who was not either a Nebraska man or imported, paying over the same out of any moneys in the recognizes the right of each State to have slavery sworn to violate the Constitution by proscribing Treasury not otherwise
appropriated : Provided, That said or not, as it chooses; the right of the State to abolish a man for his religious faith? Why did you not
company shall secure the repayment of such loans by their
bonds conditioned for the amount payable at three years from it when it pleaces—to establish it when it chooses. say that every one of them was sworn to proscribe date, without interest, and by such other security, personal The Constitution recognizes the right of a master of men because of the accident of birth, instead of or otherwise, as, in the judgment of the Secretary, will a slave to have him surrendered back if he escapes. because they were Nebraska men?' Why did
indemnify the United States against loss. If your consciences will not allow you to obey || you not tell us that they came here because they
I have offered this amendment because it will thai Constitution, as honest men you are bound to l had been baprized in the Know-Nothing crucible, serve to illustrate my position in regard to the
question before the Senate. Some abstractions in wines, in grain, in hemp, in linen, in cattle, in But I cannot go for such a discrimination as have been discussed, on which I shall not dwell. || everything. Nevertheless, you propose no such this in their favor. It is actually loaning them adIf it were demonstrated that New Hampshire was universal freedom as this here. There is no one ditional capital. The miners and forgers of iron the most loyal, and Pennsylvania was the most here bold enough to abolish duties on foreign in New Jersey, New York, Pennsylvania, and disloyal of the States, and even if the political | wheat, rye, corn, oats, sugar, wines, and liquors. || Virginia, want more capital, also. Capital is dedifferences of opinion between Massachusetts and No one dares propose to strike down altogether the ranged in its flow through all the channels of inSouth Carolina on questions of political economy discrimination which favors some branches of man- dustry and trade. It awards now the railroad were reconciled, yet all this would not affect the ufactures. Still less does any one propose to level builder, the wool manufacturer, and the miner and merits of the proposition to give a credit on railroad down the wall that protects the farming interest. manufacturer of iron. You seek by this bill to di. iron.
What now is the principle of this bill? It rect it into the railroad channel again. But in just With the utmost deference, I cannot regard the assumes before me two aspects—first, as a bill for the same degree you would divert it from the other suggestion of the Senator Hom New Hampshire || the encouragement of the construction of railroads. channels. Other interests complain, and justly (Mr. Wells) to be one requiring grave refutation. This is a policy which would be very judicious complain, that not only all the embarrassments of He insists that the bill violates the Constitution. and wise in some circumstances. But it is not a railroad enterprises, but also all their own, result Congress have a right to levy taxes-either direct || judicious or wise policy now, under existing cir- from too much partiality having been already exor indirect taxes. Since they have power to levy, cumstances. It is not wise as here presented, be- ercised by Legislatures, State and National, tothey have power to remit-to remit altogether, or cause the encouragement proposed involves a wards railroad enterprises. The usury laws mainto remit on conditions, to give a credit for duties, burden not falling equally on all the industry of | tained everywhere with more or less stringency or to require their immediate payment.
the country, but falling on one department of that in regard to all other departments of industry, I see no question of free trade in the case before industry only, namely, the iron manufacturing in- have been virtually suspended in favor of rail
We have indeed been told that it would be terest, and that department itself not only needs, roads. They are now enjoying the questionable well to abolish custom-houses, and come to direct but deserves, at least equal relief at the present | advantages of being allowed to raise money at taxation. It is very easy to say this, and it conjuncture. The bill proposes to encourage rail- rates of twenty, twenty-five, thirty, or forty per sounds very high and very sonorously. But, sir, roads, not by simultaneously encouraging the do- certum in the money market, while the wool in point of fact we shall sooner abolish the dome mestic manufacture of iron, but by sending the manufacturer, and the miner and forger of iron, is and even the skies over our heads, than we shall railroad companies abroad to buy their iron in obliged to be content with offering only six, or abolish the need of money, and of a great deal of foreign markets, instead of sending them to our seven, or ten per cent. money, too, to carry on the Government of a own furnaces and forges. It is, therefore, a bill Besides this, the railroad interest has had the very great and rapidly growing empire. Govern- to encourage and protect foreign miners and man- benefit of liberal grants of public lands, and of ment can raise money only by taxation upon hu- ufacturers of iron instead of encouraging American credits furnished by municipal corporations, towns, man industry, for even realized wealth is only a miners and manufacturers.
cities, and States. production of human industry. Government can The amendment which I have offered seeks to It is, in fact, this partial legislation which has find human industry to levy taxes upon only in correct that injustice. I know that the measure stimulated railroad building in such a degree that two places, namely abroad or at home. Thus the which it proposes is a novel one. But it seems to
it has been carried to excess and extravagance, industry which must be taxed for the support of me to be defensible on every ground on which the resulting in not only its own embarrassment, but any Government is, either the industry of foreign | main project contained in the bill can be defended. also in the universal derangement of trade and nations, or the industry of its own country. Ex- The forms of the two measures differ, but that | industry. perience, old as the foundations of the Republic, and is all; what the bill proposes is, in fact, a loan of What is proposed by the bill before us, is only unchanging anid all vicissitudes, shows that the the duties on foreign railroad iron for three years a perseverance in the same policy that has proUnited States, following the example of all other without interest. What my amendment propo- duced the evile complained of. You may alleviate, nations, have taxed the industry of other countries ses is also a loan of an equivalent amount for but the money market has got to recover its equi. instead of their own industry, as far as it has three years without interest, where railroad com- librium before you can restore soundness to the been practicable within the limits prescribed by panies shall use American iron. In the one case, railroad department. Sir, railroad stock that is their exigencies in regard to revenue. Senators, the favor extended to railroad companies is in the perfectly sure and ultimately sound, and is paying like theorists out of Congress, may speculate about shape of forbearance from the collection of duties seven, or eight, or ten per cent. dividend, is depre abolishing custom-houses, but the practical course for three years; in the other, it is a loan of money ciated ten per cent., while money can be borrowed of the Government will continue the same until for the same period, and on the same terms. at six or seven per cent. on private obligations. the end. We shall need money, and we shall Incorporate my amendment, and I can very This shows conclusively that more than a due tax the labor of the foreign miner, lumberman, cheerfully vote for your bill. There is, indeed, proportion of capital has gone into the construcfarmer, mechanic, and artisan to the utmost be. another objection which arises from contemplating tion of railroads. If you mean to relieve that defore we begin to tax the labor of the American the other aspect of the bill. The bill is a relief law. || partment of industry, together with all others, you miner, lumberman, farmer, mechanic, and artisan. It proposes an interposition by the Government can only do it by leaving nature to work out her We may, indeed, reduce the duties on imported to give temporary relief to a class of its industrious own cure; or else by returning to that generous products of labor, but we shall do so only in the citizens who are laboring under financial embar- system of equal discrimination in favor of all proportion that it can be done consistenily with rassment. Let us examine it closely. Either the departments of industry. our wants of revenue. But this will not be free law is to be executed according to its terms, or it The American people are strong and vigorous. trade. It will only be abatement of taxation, with is not. If it is to be so executed, then we shall Our Federal system of revenue is yet sound. The real or relative reduction of revenue. Absolute | give a credit only for three years, at the expiration spirit of enterprise, although checked, is yet unfree trade may, indeed, come into the country, but of which period the duties are to be refunded. This impaired. Leave all existing embarrassments of it will only come when we are ready to dispense credit amounts, as I understand, to about $1,000 railroads to correct themselves, and the railroad with revenues altogether. I ask Senators whether a mile of the railroads which are now being built. companies, whose undertakings are feasible and we have reached that time now, or whether they || The whole cost of building railroads is about judicious, will recover in due time. Any tamBee such a time near at hand? No! No! You | $30,000 or $35,000 a mile.
pering with them will only continue the existing are even now, while talking of free trade, enlarging Sir, will the railroad companies be less embar- evils, and prevent the separation of those which your Capitol, extending and embellishing the Fed- rassed three years hence than they are now? Will can be saved from those which, ultimately, must eral city, augmenting and extending your public they be sounder and better able to pay then than end in ruin. I ask the yeas and nays on the edifices, increasing your army and your navy, now? Is anything more certain than it is that, if | amendment which I have offered. and your revenue service, and your fortifications, you stimulate forever, the sufferer will ultimately improving your rivers and harbors, constructing be exhausted? If by this process the railroad almost endless railroads, and organizing new Ter- companies are pushed into deeper and more inex
EFFICIENCY OF THE NAVY. ritories. You are, at the same time, raising the tricable embarrassment, the relief will have failed. salaries of all the agents of the Government, civil Then you must renew and extend the credit for a
SPEECH OF HON. J. MORTON, and military, at home and abroad, and are not longer period, or renit the duties altogether.
OF FLORIDA, only extending your postal system across the west- But relief laws, always objectionable by reason ern plains, and into the nooks of the western of their very nature, are doubly objectionable
IN THE Senate, February 26, 1855. mountains, but also connecting it by steamships | when they are partial and discriminating. Other The bill to promote the efficiency of the Nary with all the postal systems of the old World. branches of industry are embarrassed not less being under consideration, While you are doing this, you raise not a dollar by | than the railroad interest. Such is the case,
Mr. MORTON said that he had intended to direct taxation, and no one proposes, or thinks of especially with the woolen interest and the iron postpone any remarks which he had to make proposing, taxation in that form, so greatly lauded | interest. They will come to you for relief, also; upon this question until a vote was taken on the by theorists, so instinctively avoided by all prac- indeed they are here now importuning you for amendment offered by the Senator from Maryland, tical statesmen. It is preposterous to talk of in- relief. Wål you extend it to them! No; for (Mr. Pratt,) but as that amendment had brought stituting free trade at a time when you are thus that involves the necessity of raising duties instead into consideration generally the merits of the bill, going on more industriously than ever in iucréas- of remitting or giving a credit for them. But he thought it proper he should say something at ing expenses.
these are as important and as meritorious as the this time. It is not my habit (said Mr. M.) to thing else, has a condition of equality attached to verting unimproved resources into capital, while character. I have seldom or never obtruded my. it. If you give universal freedom in trade, you railroad companies create no wealth, but only favor self upon the time and attention of the Senate, give equal freedom in every department of trade. its creation. I am not inimical to railroad enter- excepi in the consideration and discussion of bills There must be freedom in the purchase and sale prises; throughout my whole public life I have of a local character, in which my constituents of all materials, and of all fabrics; free trade not favored them, and I share now the suffering of had a direct interest. I have always preferred only in iron, but in salt, in cotton, in wool, in silk, W those who have come here to urge this measure. that questions of general policy should be dis
cussed by Senators more practiced in debate than our Government. It establishes a species of " star- tions under them will be demanded of them." (See p. 8, myself; and if I felt doubi as to the vote I should chamber court,” responsible to no one for the
Senate Reports of Committee on Naval Affairs, 1st session,
33d Congress.) give, I have listened to be informed by the remarks manner in which it discharges the high trust conof the able Senators around me. I should not, fided to it. Officers are to be brought into review Now, Mr. President, the commanders, lieutenMr. President, have departed from that course before that court; their characters and service in- ants, and passed midshipmen have not had the now but for the fact that I was not in my seat | quired into upon ex parte testimony, no opportu- | advantages of an education at the Naval Academy, when this bill first passed the Senate, and the nity offered them of being heard; not allowed to which seems, in the estimation of the committee, enunciation of the journals of the day, which has confront the witnesses, or to offer testimony to to be essentially necessary for the command of our been repeated by my colleague upon this floor, rebut false allegations against them. The first fleets and ships. It is true the academy has not that it passed by a unanimous vote. That is all thing they know they will be struck down by an
been in existence more than seven or eight years, true in point of fact. The bill, as I understand it, invisible blow, not discerning whence it came. It but it has already sent forth graduates enough to was taken up during the morning hour on private is a mere revival of that inquisitorial board of offi- fill the two higher grades, and when we have such bill day, and, eliciting no discussion, the attention cers organized by Mr. Bancroft, when he was high qualifications and experience in the service, of the Senate was not particularly drawn to its Secretary of the Navy, whose proceedings have why should not the country avail itself of it? The provisions, ard it passed without opposition. never seen the light. It is well known ihat the world, Mr. President, is progressive; there is a Had I been present I should, at least, have re- officers constituting that board looked upon the short road to science and literature, and why corded my vote against its passage.
duty required of them with loathing and disgust, should there not be to seamanship and the other I am opposed to the bill, Mr. President, in prin- as well as incompatible with the honor and dig- | qualifications necessary to make a perfect naval ciple and in detail. An impression has gone abroad | nity of gentlemen.
officer? There is such a road, sir, or at least the in the land, and pervades both Houses of Con- The board as now proposed is an irresponsible Committee on Naval Affairs say so, and I am the gress, that the personnel of the Navy is an inferior body; it is a “power behind the throne." The last man to question their scientific and practical corps. This, in my humble estimation, is not President is to act by and with its advice and con- information. "That road is an education at the the fact. It is said that there are many excres. sent, instead of counseling with this Senate, as pro- || Naval Academy: Take a boy, sir, who had never cences on the corps, and that the pruning-knife vided for by the Constitution. If this board is seen a ship; let him remain four years at Annapshould be liberally applied. From this proposi- necessary to enable the Executive to do his duty, olis, making during the time one or two trips tion, too, I dissent. The personnel of the Ameri- certainly, Mr. President, this Senate should be con- in the summer across the Auantic in the practice can Navy never occupied higher ground than at sulted before its acis receive the full force of law. ship: he goes forth duly qualified to command the present time. It will compare most favorably There is not, Mr. President, a captain in the fleets and ships, to act as a negotiator of treaties, with that of any other nary in the civilized world, Navy at this time who did not belong to it in the a warrior, judge, and pacificator-an officer that in every respect. I believe, with the Secretary of war of 1812, when it fought itself, if not into ex- would throw your Hulls, Bainbridges, Stewarts, the Navy, that "the corps is still full of chival- istence, I may safely say into favor with the and the officers of the war of 1812 into the shade! rous and gallant officers, who are not only ready American people. Many of them served with Now, Mr. President, I do not pretend to ques. for the post of danger, but would sustain the proud Decatur, Bainbridge, Mull, Stewart, Jones, Mc- tion the correctness of all this, for the Naval reputation of our Navy which has won so many Donough, Perry, Blakely, Biddle, Burroughs, Committee tell us so, and they know; but, at the laurels for our country, and by its brilliant vic- l and the other gallant spirits of that day, and as- same time, I must be pardoned if I should suggest tories cheered the heart of many a desponding | sisted in achieving those victories which reflected to my friends amongst the commanders, lieutenpatriot." This is but a just tribute to the officers so much honor upon our country, and raised the ants, and passed midshipmen, that, inasmuch as of the Navy, who only require a proper opportu. | drooping spirits of our people at that eventful | they have not had the advantage of these shortnity and a proper cause to manifest to the world period. Their exploits are interwoven with and cuts to a knowledge of their profession, they their gallantry and chivalry. Let such opportu- constitute the brightest pages of the nation's his- should rest quiet and wait until they are promoted nity or cause offer, and my word for it, sir, as tory. Shall there be a sad counterpart in our in regular order, as were their predecessors. The many laurels would be won now as were gained future annals on which it is to be recorded that “ scientifics" will be close upon their heels, and in the war of 1812.
these honored names are no longer worthy to we shall hear them say, “ we can't wait." The Navy, Mr. President, may require reform, stand in prominence upon our Naval Register? not Perry fight the battle of Lake Erie when he but not in the way proposed by the bill under | Many of them have received the thanks and other was twenty-eight years old, McDonough that of consideration. Have laws and regulations for its testimonials of Congress and of State Legislatures Lake Champlain at thirty-one? And was not government that are well defined; increase the num- for their gallant and valiant deeds, and many of Stewart, when he captured two ships, the Levant ber of your ships, and let them be put in commis- them will carry to their graves honorable wounds and Cyane, with the Constitution, but thirty-nine, sion, thereby giving your officers active service; 1) received in the service of the country. Those who and Bainbridge, when he took the Java, only do these things first, and then direct your attention did not distinguish themselves in that war only thirty-one? And these heroes were not so well to the personnel of the Navy. It is said that many wanted the opportunity, and the evidence that qualified as we are, they never having had the adofficers have not been in service for twenty or they have performed well their part is that they vantages of a scientific education at the Naval thirty years. Is this so? Where is the evidence? are now occupying the highest grade in the Navy. | Academy at Annapolis." How many are there! With a pretty extensive With one or two exceptions the captains of the Tam by no means, Mr. President, opposed to acquaintance in the Navy, I know but a few, a Navy are now as vigorous and capable of per- the Naval Academy. I think it all righi ihat we very few, who have not been to sea within that || forming honorable and useful service as the officers should prepare our young men by a proper educatime; and of those the most of them have served of any other grade. If it be the object to get rid tion previous to their entering upon the practical in all the different grades in the Navy, from that of the officers now filling the rank of captain, and
duties of their profession. I merely mention the of a midshipman to the commodore of a squadron. supply their places from the commanders, I warn, Naval Academy to illustrate to those officers who There are some three or four who have not been
in a spirit of kindness, all parties concerned that are so urgent for the passage of this bill what they to sea from physical disability, but that disability the people of this country will never consent that in turn may very speedily expect. If these gen. arose from the casualties of honorable service, an act of injustice shall be perpetrated upon men tleman will have a little patience, and wait for
But, sir, admit that many officers have not been who have periled their lives in their country's is that Providence which rules over the destinies of
tirement, when they will be able to say that“ the lieutenants. The system would form a class of But, Mr. President, let it be granted that the post of honor is a private station.” They are not officers unknown to the laws. If a man is a post pruning-knife should be applied to the personnel to be the officers to whom the country is to look captain he is entitled to all the pay, rights, and of the Navy. Does this bill do it in the proper in future. We are told, sir, by the Committee on privileges of a captain, and so with commandera way? The President now has the power to do Naval Affairs
and lieutenants. "When one of the captains prowhat this bill proposes, with the exception of in- "The Naval Academy has given and is giving to the posed by this bill goes to sea he does not get the creasing the number of officers of each grade. Can country officers not only thoroughly educated for the duties pay provided for his rank; he only gets $2,800 per he not put officers on leave of absence or waiting of the service, but whose character would adorn any pro
year in command of a frigate, while the regular fession. These are the men who will be called upon, in orders? What is that but a reserved or retired the command of our fleets and ships, not only to contend
post caplain would receive, for exactly the same list? Nearly one half of the officers are in that with the ability aod advancement of European navies, but service, $3,500; and when the two are waiting position now.
as the protectors of the rights of American citizens and orders or on leave of absence, one will receive But, sir, this bill creates a board which, if not property in foreign seas and foreign countries. A knowl.
$2,500 and the other 1,800. One of these nondea edge of the institutions, government, and commercial syscontrary to the letter of, is certainly against the tems of maritime Powers, add a general acquaintance with
scripts might be in command of a seventy-four spirit of, the Constitution and all the principles of the laws of nations, and of the rights, duries, and obliga. Il gun ship, receiving $2,800 per year, and a regular
Ho. OF Reps.
330 CONG.... 20 Sess.
Increase of the Army-Mr. Benton.
captain be in command of a thirty-six gun frigate, || for whom the brevet rank of admiral ought to be It appears to me, sir, that no officer of a proper receiving $3,500 per year, and both serving in the created for his gallant deeds and long and merito- | spirit would sit upon such a board. The duty same squadron. Why this inequality, requiring | rious service; imagine, I say, this gallant officer must be one from which all honorable men will the same service and responsibility of both, and passing in review before five juniors, (no matter shrink with disgust. What, sir, sit in judgment yet pay one seven hundred dollars less than the other ? | how the board is constituted, they must be his jun- in secret, and criticise the character of brother offiIt is, Mr. President, not only wrong, but unjust iors,) and they should say that he is incompetent cers who have served with them, under all circumin all points of view. If an officer is a captain or to promptly and efficiently discharge all duty that stances, and have been their shipmates for many commander, give him the pay provided now by might be required of him, both afloat and on shore. a long cruise, shut out from family, friends, and law for such rank; he is entitled to it upon every | The board would have to inquire into the causes country! I cannot think that the gallant spirits principle of justice, and it is wrong to withhold it of the disability, and if, in their opinion, (he not of our Navy will willingly embark in any such from him.
being heard,) ii proceeded from any cause imply- | disgusting duty. We are told, Mr. President, that this bill willing sufficient blame on his part to justify it, they We have heard lately, Mr. President, in this not increase the aggregate cost of the personnel of would be bound to recommend that his name be Chamber and elsewhere, something in the shape of the Navy; that it is so arranged that it will not stricken from the roll of the Navy. Again, this scathing and scornful denunciations of secret conrequire an additional cent of appropriation. Well, | board has not only to inquire into the mental, but | claves and midnight associations to take away sir, this is a most extraordinary discovery, and the physical condition of the officers. Then, sir, men's constitutional rights, and invade their poliithe gentleman who made it ought to receive the there should be surgeons on the board to examine | ical privileges. Will you imitate that system most profound gratitude of the country. Congress into their physical condition. Certainly, the board which you recently deemed so deserving of your is asked to perpetrate an act of injustice, create as now constituted, will be incompetent to decide scorn and indignation? Will you give the sanction heart-burnings and jealousies in the Navy, because upon the physical qualities of an officer. Will it of law to a secret and inquisitorial body? I can it will not be a charge upon the public purse. If, not be a beautiful spectacle, sir, lo see one of our scarcely think that all the consequences of this Mr. President, this reform and reorganization bé captains, who participated in the victories of the method of dispatching the time-honored veterans required in the Navy, why should it be measured war of 1812, passing before this board, composed of the Navy have been seriously considered by by dollars and cents ? Money cannot compensate of his juniors, the most, if not all, of whom never this Senate, heretofore viewed as the “ palladium us if the national honor is tarnished, and the stars smelt gunpowder, except in the firing of a salute, l of our liberty.' and stripes hauled down in disgrace in a naval con- stript to the buff (as they do raw recruits) to ascer- It is acknowledged, sir, by the friends of the test. It amounts to this, and the friends of the bill tain his physical condition. The gout, I am told, || bill, that it is not perfect, and that it may require cannot say any more or less; the personnel of our is hereditary, but that it sometimes passes over a further legislation to make it so. Yes, sir, it is Navy is inetficient, decrepid, and behind the times; | generation and visits the succeeding one. Now, not perfect; and twelve months will not roll around it requires reform and reorganization, but it must suppose that an officer's father had the gout, and before there will be petitions on your lable asking not cost a dollar beyond the present sum required the officer, relying upon the theory that the disease its repeal, and praying that the personnel of the for its support. If it does cost more the present would pass by him, had occasionally indulged in Navy may be put in statu quo. A year will not organization will do well enough. Now, such Jiberal libations of Southside Madeira, and had revolve before you hear loud complaints from the logic as this will not do for the American people. | fared sumptuously when he was on shore, and || service, and amongst the advocates for the measure Our constituents, Mr. President, look upon the the gout should be the consequence. Why, sir, now you will find a majority of them hereafter Navy as a great element of national defense, and this gout, which he inherited from his father, and denouncing it. will not be satisfied if we estimate its efficiency by therefore his misfortune and not his fault, might It is not advisable, sir, at this late period of the its cost. When the advocates of this measure in the estimation of this board, render him incom. || session, to pursue these remarks. My object was have to resort to such arguments as have been petent to perform his duty on shore or afloat, and to make known to the Senate, to the country, and advanced, there cannot be much merit in, or ne- it might decide that this incompetency arose from to my constituents, my opposition to this bill
; to cessity for, this boasted reform.
a cause implying sufficient blame on his part to let them know that I think it manifestly unjust to I am, Mr. President, for paying the officers in justify it, and therefore they would be bound to the officers of the Navy, subjecting them to a the service of the country the full amount to which recommend that his name should be stricken from humiliation which is unnecessary and uncalled their rank entitles them, so that they may support || the rolls.
for; that it accomplishes nothing, or but little, but the dignity of the position and fully maintain the But it is unnecessary for me, Mr. President, to what the Executive can do without its enactment. honor of the flag either abroad or at home. How | point out what this board can or will do.' It is He has the right to keep them on leave-of-absence humiliating will it be, sir, to one of these new organized upon a wrong principle, one that is vio- pay, and if they are not worthy to pass them by captains, when he returns from a cruise of two or lative of all right and in direct opposition to those in promotion. He has the right, or at least he three years, having commanded one of the largest i great constitutional privileges which are enjoyed exercises the right, of striking officers from the ships in the Navy, to find that he is embarrassed, | by the citizen for his protection. Why, sir, if a roll of the Navy. It is but a day or two since he having absorbed all his pay in maintaining the citizen is prosecuted for a simple assault, he is struck from the rolls a most gallant and chivalric honor and dignity of the flag of his country, and entitled to a speedy and public trial, by an impar- officer. I do not mention this fact as a censure of then settle down on a commander 's leave-of-absence | tial jury. He must know the nature and cause of the Executive, but to show to the Senate and to pay! If you promote these officers in the manner the accusation; he must be confronted with the the country that he claims and exercises the power proposed, in the name of justice I ask you to witnesses against him; he is entitled to compulsory that this bill proposes to give him. make no discrimination in the pay. Give them process for obtaining witnesses in his favor and the I shall not do now, Mr. President, what I the pay which the law prescribes for the rank. assistance of counsel for his defense. No judge intend during the progress of this bill-move its Pass this bill in its present shape, and eighteen | will or can preside in a matter where he has the indefinite postponement. I shall not do it at this months will not elapse before you will have peti- most remote interest; no juror who has formed time, as my friend from Maryland wishes to have tions on your table to increase the pay to which and expressed an opinion on a case is competent; a vole upon his amendment, which, if the bill pass the rank entitles him, and complaining loudly of!! no member of Congress or of a State Legielature at all, I think it is nothing but just and proper the injustice of the inequality of the pay of officers will vote upon a question in which he has a fer- should be adopted. I consider if reform be wantof the same grade. The time of the Senate and sonal interest. Organize this board as you will, ing in any branch of the service, it is required as House that will be taken up in the consideration | ils acts must be in conflict with all these consti- much in the medical corps as any other attached of those petitions will be worth more to the coun- tutional and dearly.cherished guarantees. The to the Navy. In time of peace there is no corps try than the cost of the difference of pay which members of the board will be directly interested in in the service which requires more efficient and you propose to save by this bill.
their decisions unless you take the five senior offi- well qualified officers than the medical. I shall, The board, Mr. President, is to be composed of cers of each grade. Of this there is no prospect. after the vote is taken upon the amendment profive officers of the three higher grades, and no | If you take junior captains they are interested in | posed by the Senator from Maryland, more the officers are to examine into and report upon the | getting their seniors out of the way; So with the || indefinite postponement of the bill. efficiency of a grade above them. When the effi. commanders and the lieutenants. It does not fol. ciency of the captains is inquired into, ! presume low, Mr. President, because the naval profession the senior captains will have their characters, is highly honorable that its member are not sub. qualifications, and efficiency examined into by five | ject to all the passions, feelings, and prejudices that of their juniors; for it is to be presumed that the we are; they are nothing more or less than poor
SPEECH OF HON. T. H. BENTON, Executive will select from each grade none but human nature, and we have no right to expect
OF MISSOURI, officers about whom there can be no question as that they will differ from the rest of the world.
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, We should not lead into temptation, as this bill service "lise. Now, sir, this board is to inquire will certainly do, the officers who will, in all prob- on the proposition to raise four new Regiments
February 27, 1855, into the capacity of the officers promptly and effi- ability, compose this board. ciently to discharge all the duties, both on shore By the law, Mr. President, governing the organ
for the regular Army. and afloat, which may be required of them; and, lization of courts-martial and courts of inquiry, Mr. BENTON said: if incompetency should arise, in the judgment of wliere the accused has an opportunity to confront Mr. CHAIRMAN: This large proposed increase of the board, from any cause implying sufficient his accuser, cross-examine witnesses for the pros- the regular army comes from an Executive recblame on the part of the officer to justify it, they ecution, and introduce testimony on his defense, a ommendation on account of Indian hostilities, and shall be recommended to be stricken from the roll majority of the court must, if the exigency of the is an intended permanent increase for an admitted of the Navy. Just imagine, Mr. President, the service will permit, be his seniors. There is no temporary exigency. This is illogical, and imgallant Stewart, (Old Ironsides,) the only officer | such provision for this inquisitorial" star-chamber | plies some design beyond the object arowed. I on the Navy list who was a captain at the com- court." The junior officers of each grade can be like the proposed substitute of our Committee of mencement of the war of 1812, who, with Com- taken; and in the case of the captains they must Ways and Means much better, which is to raise modores Hull and Bainbridge, prevented the ships necessarily call in question the character, qualifi- || volunteers for a limited time; and still better I like of the Navy from being laid up in ordinary; a man cations, and habits of their seniors.
the proposal which I shall submit, and which is to
INCREASE OF THE ARMY.