33D CONG....2D SESS. What master-spirit devised this organization? I do not know that this is a question of any great importance. I do not think that the author is entitled to any great credit for originality, I do not undertake to say whether it is taken from the forms and ceremonies adopted by Cataline and his co-conspirators at Rome, or whether it is like unto the societies formed in certain districts of England to protect labor against capital, or whether, as seems most probable, it has for its prototype the order of religious Jesuits, as depicted in the "Wandering Jew," and that the Federal Treasury is the Renepont inheritance, which it is using its appliances and secret machinery to get posses sion of. I was forcibly struck with the similarity between the two orders-the religious Jesuits and the Know-Nothings-in the speech of the honorable gentleman from Alabama, [Mr. SMITH,] and I am sorry that he is not present this evening. From his graphic descriptions in the defense of the Know-Nothing order, we see that it makes use of the same appliances to accomplish its objects as the religious Jesuits, which order he set out to denounce. In one portion of his speech he says that the Know-Nothings are formed for the purpose of making war against the religious Jesuits. Both seem to be the same in organization. Each is after power and spoils. Each is enshrouded in the garb of mystery. One hides its iniquities under the cloak of religion, the other under a most exalted devotion to country. Each teaches the practice of falsehood, craft and deceit. Each binds its members by a mighty oath, the violation of which they assume to punish. The one claims devout piety, the other intense patriotism. The gentleman from Alabama says, that "when you fight the devil you have the right to fight him with fire." That seems to be in fact an acknowledgment on his part that the new order was taken from the other one. But will this principle hold good? Fight the devil with fire; perpetrate an evil to obviate the consequences of another one; commit one fraud to nullify another! The gentleman is a distinguished lawyer, and I would ask him whether he would consider it right to meet a orged bond with a forged release? The principle is the same. That was said to have been a practice at one time quite common among the British lawyers in the East Indies. It has never been introduced into this country, and I trust that it never will be. It is unsound in morals. It is a sentiment unfit to be proclaimed in the presence of the Representatives of the people here in this Hall. He also says, in the course of his speech, that these religious Jesuits were organized by thwarted military aspirants after the reformation. I would ask whether this order of political Jesuits, of which the gentleman is champion upon this floor, was not organized after the great political revolution which swept Federalism out of power in 1852. Until this power was ground down, until Democracy was in the ascendency we never heard of any such order as this. But to go on with the simile. The gentleman says that these religious Jesuits were taught to ingratiate themselves into the confidence of men of power and influence, or, to use his own language, to cultivate their friendship, probe their designs, and communicate their secrets.' "" How stands the order that he defends? Is it not well known to gentlemen on this floor who were candidates in the late elections for Congress, that these KnowNothings formed this plan; pretended to be their friends, went into convention pretending to be Democrats, assisted in making the nominations, drew their secrets and all their plans from them, obtained all the information they could from them, and after nightfall skulked into the Know-Nothing lodges and communicated those secrets! This is a notorious fact, and cannot be denied. I say, that it is beneath the dignity of American gentle'men and honorable men to resort to such means in midnight lodges for any purpose. Do we not know that they make it a boast in Pennsylvania that, in the gubernatorial election there, they took the distinguished Democratic candidate, Governor Bigler, from one county to another, and his pretended friends of one lodge handed him over (if I may use the expression) to the tender care of his professed friends of another lodge, who would take Know-Nothingism—Mr. Ruffin. him in special charge, and, in the language of the gentleman from Alabama, "cultivate his friendship, probe his designs, and communicate his secrets." Sir, this indicated a degree of proficiency in Jesuitism that would have gladdened the heart and raised a ghastly smile even on the countenance of old Rodin himself. [Laughter.] The gentleman from Alabama justifies the oaths of this order, and says that it finds its justification in the practices of its adversaries. Is not that sound doctrine to hold forth in an American Congress? Finds its justification in the practices of its adversaries! The religious Jesuits are the adversaries he speaks of. The gentleman says, also, that "an oath solemnly taken is an element of purity." Well, sir, if a solemn oath was what they sought for, this order should not have stopped at the oath of the Jesuits, but gone a few centuries further back and adopted the oath which Cataline administered to his co-conspirators when they met in the back room of the house of one Sempronia, a Roman bawd-in a place, as the historian says, every way suited for the purpose, and well adapted to their occult and dark practices, for there, after administering a mighty oath, just as the Know-Nothings administer it, they sealed that oath by drinking from bowls draughts of wine mingled with human blood! Was that an element of purity? Did that oath make them pure? Why, sir, if the history of those times are correct, they were men of desperate fortunes and abandoned characters, men dangling loose upon society, who were ready for any change of affairs that promised to benefit themselves. Then, sir, the gentleman says that secrecy is the great element of success, and that the "order should preserve in their halls the most inviolable secrecy," all the time acting upon the old doctrine that the end will justify the means. Now, sir, if this is not Jesuitism, I do not understand what is the meaning of the term. But the gentleman says that it finds its great justification of secrecy in the fact that it is warring against Jesuits. Warring against Jesuits! If the religious Jesuits are what the gentleman represents them to be, and if these political Jesuits of Know-Nothingism are what I believe them to be, I, sir, should look upon a contest between them with perfect indifference. I would look upon it as American citizens now generally look upon the war going on between Russia and the allied Powers, or as a western hunter would look upon a fight between a bear and an alligator, or a mink and a polecat. [Much laughter.] Every objection that the gentleman has urged against the Jesuits seems to apply with equal force to the Know-Nothings. They are neither of them suited to our country, and they cannot flourish here. One is the counterpart of the other, and sir, as my friend from the Red river district of Louisiana [Mr. ROLAND JONES] says, that the men of my State are fond of making quotations from Hudibras; let me say to the gentleman from Alabama, of the Know-Nothings and Jesuits, that: They are so near akin, And like in all as well as sin, That put them in a bag and shake 'em, Himself on the sudden would mistake 'em, And not know which was which, unless He measured by their wickedness." [Laughter.] Who set on foot the organization in the United States? We first find it springing up in the North, in the old hot-bed of Federalism. It had been conquered under every name by the Democratic party. It was the old Federal party, and was conquered under that name. It assumed the name of National Republican, then Whig, and then degenerated into isms. The Whig party had become almost extinct at the North. There was in fact but one party there, and that was the Democratic party. All the others were but isms. Mr. WASHBURNE, of Illinois. Will the gentleman tell me in which State at the North the Democratic party now exists? Mr. RUFFIN. I think it does in Illinois, judging from the late election there. [Laughter.] Mr. WASHBURNE. I suppose the gentleman refers to the election of an anti-Nebraska Senator? [Renewed laughter.] Mr. RUFFIN. No, sir; I do not; but I will come to his election by and by. Mr. FLORENCE. I will say to the gentleman, Ho. OF REPS. that it exists in Pennsylvania, thank God!" its banner torn, but flying." [Great laughter.] Mr. WASHBURNE. In what part of Pennsylvania? Mr. FLORENCE. In the first congressional district. [Renewed laughter.] That will do. Now let the gentleman from North Carolina go on. Mr. RUFFIN. The Democratic party being triumphant at the North, there was a fusion of all the isms to oppose it. This organization sprang up. It offered great inducements. There were a host of old political hacks out of office, men who had lived all their lives out of the public crib. They had then nothing to resort to. The Democratic party was in power in the General Government, at that time, and in most of the States, and these old political hacks, who were wandering about like stray spirits on the Stygian banks, thought it a fine chance to join in a new venture, and they joined this organization. I say, sir, that it is taken from the old Federal party. That party has never been eradicated at the North. It is true, the old tree of Federalism is dead, its leaves have long since withered and been wafted away upon the winds of Heaven, its boughs have crumbled and fallen, and its aged trunk lying prostrate has mouldered into dust, but from its prolific roots has sprung up this bastard slip of Know-Nothingism. It has incorporated into its platform planks from that old party. Mr. CAMPBELL. Amen! [Laughter.] Where is that taken from? It is a plank of the black cockade of Federalism of the days of the elder Adams, and the order finds a bright example of secresy in the blue-light Federalists who met in the Hartford Convention to plot treason against the Government. It has flourished in that section of country fruitful in isms-in Abolitionism, FreeSoilism, Atheism, Women's-rightism, and every other ism imaginable. These, sir, have given it its strength there, in that section of our country where men meet together in convention and declare" there is no God;" where agrarian mobs, the very scum of the earth, parade the streets by thousands, recognizing no distinction between meum and tuum, and crying aloud for a division of property-in that section of country, where weak-minded men, crazy fanatics, meet in convention with strong-minded women, clothed in boots and breeches, to discuss the important question of women's rights. [Laughter.] order be conservative? The idea is preposterous. Inaugurated under these auspices, how can this It professes now to be the only true national conservative Union party; whereas it is a sectional union scheme, and in every step, in its progress radical destructive party. It is an Abolition, dis. gives unerring indication of a settled purpose to gether. It has given strength to the Abolitionists of the North, and now it has the unblushing effrontery and daring impudence to offer itself to the South as something which is conservative, something which is designed to place in their hands, and the hands of their friends, the power of the General and State Governments. Sir, I, for one, never had any confidence in it from the beginning, for it came from the wrong quarter. sever asunder the ties which bind these States to "Timeo Danaos et dona ferentes.” I was satisfied that within the cavity of that wooden horse were concealed the elements of Abolitionism. It was absurd to believe that the Abolitionists of the North, when they had for years and years, in their weakness, waged an offensive war against the South, would now, in the pride of their strength, after their shattered ranks had been recruited by untold thousands, after the embattled hosts of Know-Nothingism had flocked to their standards, not in straggling parties like deserters, but in solid column, with flags flying and drums beating-be so magnanimous as to raise the long siege, and celebrate it with a peace offering. I for one, sir, as a southern man, cannot trust it. Was I not right, sir, in my opinion at that time? I say that I was. Recent developments have proved this beyond all doubt. The Know-Nothing party of the North has never aided in the election of a single friend of the Nebraska bill to either House of the Congress of the United States. I again assert that it has not. I challenge successful con 33D CONG....2D SESS. tradiction from any quarter, and pause for a reply. They have elected no man who is willing to give the South the rights guaranteed to it by the Constitution of the United States. Maine, Pennsylvania, New York, Ohio, Indiana, Iowa and Wis consin have returned to this House men who are pledged to vote for the repeal of the fugitive slave law, which we regard as the very bond which binds the Union together. In the above named States it has aided Abolitionism in striking down the true friends of the Constitution, and filling their places with a dangerous class of politicians. Let us see what a northern editor says about its doings in the North: "But if we lacked positive proof of the feelings of the masses of the party in regard to slavery, the late elections in this and other States of the Union show the liberal tendencies of the whole party. In New York the American party polled one hundred and twenty-two thousand votes, but they aided the anti-Nebraska party in that State in returning to the next Congress twenty-nine men opposed to the admission of slavery into Kansas. In Pennsylvania we saw a like result; while in Illinois, by the aid of this movement, the Douglasites were completely routed: and so in Michigan, where the whole State was carried for freedom by the council fires of the American party.” But, sir, we are sometimes pointed by southern Know-Nothings to the Massachusetts election, and gravely told that the Know-Nothings in that State have sent a new delegation to Congress with but two exceptions. I am not aware of any alteration in this respect, so far as liberality and nationality are concerned. No, sir, these Yankees of Massachusetts are cunning men, and they follow the example of the skillful huntsman who, when his hounds are flagging in the chase, blows them off, lets slip the leashes and hies on a fresh pack, the more speedily to hunt down his prey. The people of Massachusetts no doubt thought that their Representatives here, being removed from the fanaticism which surrounds them at home, had become less zealous, and were rather flagging in the chase, and therefore considered it better to send on a new set. [Laughter.] Know-Nothingism—Mr. Ruffin. to the hungry Israelites in the wilderness. But Now, sir, let us see what is thought of Seward "He has pressed with equal ardor the claims of commerce, agriculture, and manufactures. He has vindicated with equal zeal, the just rights and interests of the West and South, and those of the East and of the North. There is not in this day, in the Senate or in public life, a statesman of more ability-more laborious and conscientious in his discharge of public duties, or more thoroughly and truly national in all his views, than Governor Seward." And again, what a Know-Nothing journal means by conservatism: "The slavery question cannot affect the American party Also, what is meant by "ignoring slavery:" Thus, we learn what is meant by their "ad I have thought from the beginning of this new But, sir, if anybody has doubted this Abolition sentiment of Know-Nothingism, let us look at the recent elections carried by these Know-Nothings. Look at the men elected by them-Harlan, the fusionist in Iowa: Trumbull, the man of "isms," in Illinois, over the gallant Shields, whose body is scarred with wounds received in defense of the flag of his adopted country: Durkee, the Abolition agrarian in Wisconsin: Wilson, the embodiment of rampant Free-Soilism in Massachusetts, the latter elected by a Legislature in which there was but one Democrat; and, it is said, but some five or six old-line Whigs. Are the Know-Nothings not responsible for the election of these men? Are they not responsible for the election of this Mr. Wilson to the Senate of the United States? Yet another election! that of Seward, the "Jupiter Tonans" of abolition, the "higher law" Senator, who in the intensity of his hatred of the South, stands a head and shoulders above them all. The Know-Nothings had made a boast that they would defeat him; that they would show their nationality in that election; that they were going to take the arch-agitator from the Senate of the United States, and puta conservative in his place. That election was looked to with probably more interest than, any senatorial election ever held in any of the States of this Union. We all recollect Tuesday, the 6th of February-I believe that was the day. It was, at all events, a dark and gloomy day. It was known that the election for United States Senator from New York was to be held that day in Albany. The hour had arrived. The telegraphic office in this capital was, on that occasion, an interesting place. Numbers of politicians might be seen wending their way there-your southern Know-Nothings, and your northern Know-Noth-spirit in the councils of the order might be found ings. They were there about the time when they expected the announcement to come. They were watching with straining eyes, and palpitating hearts, and half-suppressed respiration. The mystic wire is watched with the fixed gaze of intense anxiety. A message comes rushing upon the wings of the lightning. The suspense is but short. "The sybil speaks, the dream is o'er." The dispatch is read. It was a sweet morsel to your free-soil Know-Nothings. They hearkened to it as the prodigal son to his father's testament. They gulped it down with all imaginable avidity. It was as sweet to them as the manna from Heaven to be expected that the people of the South are to in its editor. Bennett, an unnaturalized foreigner, The friends of the "order" say that it is neces HO. OF REPS. sary to establish their secret societies to protect ourselves against foreign influence. In the section of the country in which I live, we have none of this foreign influence, and we are not troubled with anything of the kind. What foreigners we have among us are generally intelligent and educated people, men of character, and I suppose one reason of it is owing to the fact of the existence of the "peculiar institution" among us, which I regard as one of the greatest moral, social, and political blessings that was ever vouchsafed to man, and another reason is owing to the fact that we have not encouraged these men to come as they have in some of the northern States where they are now complaining of them so much. Why, do we not know that two or three years ago the people of some of the northern cities regarded foreign fiddlers and show-girls as beings worthy of adoration, almost of worship; their coming from the other side of the Atlantic was of itself a certain passport to the highest honors. We all recollect with what exultation it was heralded through the land when the "Swedish Nightingale" touched the American shores. No one has forgotten the grand demonstration that was made in the great commercial emporium of New York; when the literati, the elite, aristocracy, and upper-tendom of that city flocked in her train in greater numbers than ever the Pagans followed after the car of Juggernaut. It was but a few years ago that they introduced at the North, a member of the British Parliament, to lecture upon the subject of Abolitionism. The people of the North are alone responsible for the introduction into this country that class of turbulent and vicious foreigners of whom they now complain so loudly. Here, sir, I will say, that I am as much opposed as any man can be, to the introduction into this country of the vagabonds, felons, paupers, and convicts of the Old World. I say, let the Government pass such laws as it has authority and power to do under the Constitution, let the States and your municipal corporations pass such laws as they please, to suppress the introduction of this class of foreigners; but do not persecute the welldisposed foreigners on this account. You will find it no easy matter to stop the importation of convicts and paupers; and when you try it, you will ascertain that it will be something like the slave trade. Mercenary men will fit out vessels in the port of New York to bring convicts and paupers of Europe to this country, as they now fit out slavers to sail to the coast of Africa to get slaves for the markets of Brazil and Cuba. I do not care what kind of laws you pass against the importation of felons and convicts, you will find Yankee captains visiting the ports of Europe, and having their agents in its cities to contract secretly with the public authorities to rid them of their convicts and vagabonds by bringing them to our seaportsthe more risk the higher will be the price of passage, and a brisk trade will soon be "opened up" by these enterprising men. You may have laws upon your statute book, for punishing in the severest manner those who engage in the importation of foreign criminals. You may for what I care, if you can find warrant for it in the Constitution, put this importation of felons on the same footing with piracy-you may take the vessels of the Navy and scour the high seas in search of the violaters of the law-you may, whenever you find a" live cargo" of criminals on board a ship, string up your Yankee skipper to the yard-arm, and pitch his body to the fishes of the sea. Even then, sir, I fear it will be difficult to stop the importation. Sir, there are now men at the North who have grown rich by the importation of this class of foreigners. Punish those who engage in it. Do not adopt the plan recently proposed by the philosopher, Horace Greeley. That amounts, in substance, to reducing the poor class of foreigners to slavery; and if it is carried out, New York will become a great slave-market-white men will be sold at the block. I am opposed to making slaves out of any class of white men on earth. I know of no good reason for prohibiting the immigration of well-disposed foreigners to this country, to assist in developing its resources. A large portion of the foreigners in the West are German farmers, and they are known to be good citizens. I, for one, can see no reason why an orderly and well-disposed class of our population should be persecuted because merce 33D CONG....2D SESS. Know-Nothingism-Mr. Ruffin. No Catholic signed that petition. But, sir, this But, sir, in this connection let us see what is nary men in the commercial cities will violate the And here, sir, I must be permitted to say that I have no relation or connection, so far as I know, either among the living or the dead, who ever was a member of any Catholic church; and while I yield to no man in the ardent and sincere hope that the day will come when the Protestant religion shall have its churches and altars in every part of the globe, yet, sir, I do not believe that either the fostering hand of the Government, or a persecution of other churches, would expedite its onward progress. I never will join in persecuting any man for his religious opinions. That is a matter between him and his God. In the part of the country in which I live, and I dare say in the whole State which I have the honor, in part, to represent, there is not a master who would dictate to his slave the manner in which he shall worship God, or the church to which he shall belong. This new-fangled doctrine of the Know-Nothings to hunt down men on account of their religious opinions, is a monstrous proposition. It is at atter variance with the whole spirit of our Gov ernment. And where did this proscription against the Catholic religion originate? It originated in the same section of the country, at the North, where those three thousand and fifty Abolition clergymen got up a traitorous petition to the Congress "of the United States. No Catholics joined them. "SLAVERY AND POPERY.-Rev. Thomas James, a fugi- of their pulpits the privilege would be denied him; Ho. OF REPS. the places within its gift. Yes, sir, if all the men who aspire to these offices were formed into regiments and drilled for a few weeks, General Scott could take them to the Crimea and carry Sebastopol by storm. They are looking after all the places, from the Speaker's chair down to the humble office held by the sable high-priest who ministers at the altars of the temple of Cloacina, in the basement of this Capitol. [Laughter.] Look at their election in this city! It was an extraordinary affair. They seemed to be after the exchequer, the first thing, like Sir John Falstaff. They desired to get the control of the funds of the Washington National Monument. They banded together in this capital and proscribed such men as General Winfield Scott, William W. Seaton, General Walter Jones, Hon. Elisha Whittlesey, and others, to make room for such renowned and august individuals as Vespasian Ellis, French S. Evans, et id omne genus. Yes, sir, General Scott was proscribed; the eagle was stricken from his aerie to put the mousing owl there. This plot is said to have been concocted at the National Council of Know-Nothings held at Cincinnati. What right had these intolerant proscriptionists to take in charge the monument to Washington? Let his own words rebuke them. I read from a letter written by the Father of his country to a committee of the Baptist church of Virginia. After paying a high and just compliment to the Baptists for their patriotism and liberality, he says: "If I could have entertained the slightest apprehension that the Constitution framed in the convention where I had the honor to preside might possibly endanger the religious rights of any ecclesiastical society, certainly I would Lever have placed my signature to it; and if I could now conceive that the General Government might ever be so administered as to render the liberty of conscience insecure, I beg you will be persuaded that no one would be more zealous than myself to establish effectual barriers against the horrors of spiritual tyranny, and every species of religious persecution; for you doubtless remember I have oftea expressed my sentiments that every man, conducting himself as a good citizen, and being accountable to God alone for his religious opinions, ought to be protected in worshipping the Deity according to the dictates of his own conscience." Mr. Chairman, I have heard many strange sentiments expressed in this Hall, but there was one uttered by the gentleman from Massachusetts, [Mr. BANKS, which, for boldness and originality, surpasses all others. After speaking of the power, the secret plans, the covered cavernous ways of the order, he says: "Sir, it is the people who are passing through these avenues, those who make judges and district attorneys, and they will take care of them all. They will take care of the juries and sheriffs as well as the judges." The startling announcement has been made by a Representative on the floor of the American Congress, that this secret order is to take charge of is to lay its ruthless hand upon the judicial ermine. the judges and juries of the country. Yes, sir, it When that is done, our laws will not be worth judges of the courts are to be overawed by the the paper on which they are written. If the combinations and machinations of midnight conspirators, what becomes of our individual safety? I have seen it stated frequently in the papers, Is such, an association fit for American citizens? Can it be commended to the South? The judiciary is the great shield of our protection. Destroy and the Constitution would be no more than a rope of sand. These people took care of Judge Loring. This is an illustration of the feeling existing in what is called the Athens of America. There a judge is prescribed for doing what he conscientiously believed to be his duty. He did his duty; and ĺ presume that no man will here deny it. He delivered up to his owner, after a patient hearing of all the facts, the fugitive slave, Anthony Burns; and for this he is proscribed and hunted down as a wild beast. This is what is meant by the taking care of judges. Is not a Know-Nothing association illegal? It has been so held by one of the ablest jurists of the country. Judge Porter, of Pennsylvania, once a member of the Cabinet, in a late charge to a grand jury in reference to it, used this language: Know-Nothingism professes to be eminently patriotic, struggling for the common weal, not for office. Well, Mr. Chairman, why is it, that wherever they have reached power they have proscribed all, from the highest officials even down to the hog constables of the little towns. Anticipating a majority in the next House of Repre- determine, it is a conspiracy, and punishable as such by sentatives, there are already hosts of applicants for "If any number of men combine to form themselves into an association by agreements, vows, or oaths, to control the opinions and votes of any portion of our citizens in the exercise of their suffrages, so that they shall vote not secording to their own choice or the dictates of their own consciences, but as a majority of such association sball indictment. 33D CONG....2d Sess. "And you will remember that it is the agreement to do the act that constitutes the criminality, even if the act itself be not done. It may be well here to observe, that, if any person or persons shall have unthinkingly, unadvisedly, or without being aware of the criminal character of such an act, joined such association, or taken upon himself any such vows, obligations, or oaths, they are not binding upon him in law, and ought not to be in morals. He will enact the part of a good citizen by eschewing all such fellowship or association, and abandoning the illegal enterprise." This Know-Nothingism is a step in advance of Jesuitism. It combines higher-law " "ism"-it claims supremacy over all laws. Is such an in stitution to be tolerated? "Is law to be perverted from its course? Is abject fraud to league with brutal force? Mr. Chairman, in the sincerity of my heart, I hope the people of the South will take warning, and not affiliate with such an organization. have reason to believe that many good and patriotic men in the South, of both political parties, have joined this new movement. It is to be hoped they will take warning in time. I beseech them to study more closely the aims of this order, before deciding in its favor. I beseech them to test "Sam" by his principles, and they will find that, like the evil spirit when touched with the spear of Ithuriel, he will squat, toad like, to the earth. They will find that "Sam," the good genius of this Know-Nothing order, has flirted and caressed with every "ism" of the day. Sir, I proclaim it with pride, that the State which I have the honor, in part, to represent has, at all times and under all circumstances, been true to the Constitution and the Union. She is eminently conservative, and no "ism" ever got foothold there, and for this she has been charged with being always asleep. Better, far better, that she should sleep on, than to arouse from her slumbers to find herself locked in the meretricious embraces of that graceless libertine, dubbed by its godfathers with the euphonious and classical sobriquet of "Sam." I have too high a regard for my native State, to suspect, for even a moment, that her people will be controlled by such influences. North Carolina will do nothing to endanger the liberties of her people and the union of these States-nothing to tarnish the bright escutcheon of her ancient renown. In the olden time she was the first to rise up against the oppressions of the British King. Within her borders the first declaration of independence was made-the hills of Mecklenberg first echoed the hosannas of a people who had declared themselves free and independent, and along Carolina's mountain passes first reverberated the sacred hymn of freedom, "nature's melodious anthem," as her patriotic sons hailed with soul-stirring shouts the new-born Goddess of American liberty. The men of that day met openly and boldly; and God forbid that their descendants should discard the noble example. The Collins Steamer, &c.-Mr. Mallory. General Pierce has proved true to the principles upon which he was elected, true to the Constitution, and consequently true to the South. If he has lost ground, he has lost it by maintaining the rights of the South. He has proved himself a friend to the South. Ingratitude is not a trait in southern character, and every true Democrat in the southern States will sustain his Administration so long as he stands on that great platform, the "Constitution of our country," and administers the Government upon the principles of that instru ment. THE COLLINS STEAMERS, &c. SENATE. the friends of the Collins line were strong, and they triumphed. Congress yielded to their demands, but, in doing so, reserved the right of giving the notice in question. In this condition of the subject, sir, while the representatives of the people and the States here assembled are struggling to restrict the public expenditure within wise and legitimate limits, we receive a proposition for this very mail service which, if accepted, will save some $300,000 of the public money per annum. Sir, from whom does this come? Not from a mere speculator or unknown adventurer, certainly, but from an American citizen, whose reputation as an enterprising, accomplished, and successful projector of ocean steam navigation is universally conceded in this country, and is familiar to Eu SPEECH OF HON. S. R. MALLORY, rope. His offer is to perform the same service, in OF FLORIDA, IN THE SENATE, February 27, 1855. The Senate having under consideration the bill providing for the transportation of the United States Mail in Ocean Steamers Mr. MALLORY said: Mr. PRESIDENT: Before the motion to adjourn was made, I was proceeding to say that I should have contented myself with a silent vote but for the observations of the honorable Senator from Michigan [Mr. STUART] upon the condition of the Navy, and the incidental reflection on the propriety of the recommendations of the Committee on Naval Affairs in regard to the service. If any other member of the committee would now rise to respond to the assertions of that Senator, it would afford me greater pleasure to keep my seat than to say a word in response. I confess, Mr. President, that the proposition now before the Senate, coming as it does from the House of Representatives, struck me with surprise; and I concur in every word uttered by the honorable Senator from South Carolina [Mr. BUTLER] on that subject. I very much mistake the sentiment of this body if it will, upon a full discussion of the question, surrender the power which it now holds over this question of notice. In looking at the facts of the case, I find that they lie in a nut-shell, and I propose to state them briefly to the Senate. The offer of Mr. Collins made on the 6th of March, 1846, contemplated the building of five ships. Whether this offer was induced by the Postmaster General or not, I am unprepared to say. It is enough that Mr. Collins came to Washington with this offer to build five ships of not less than two thousand tons each. The minimum size was fixed to suit his convenience and not that of the Government. Another stipulation was, that they were to be "of great speed and sufficiently string for war purposes." This provision will strike the mind of every Senator who looks to the character of the contract. I suppose the term " war purposes" embraces every possible incident and contingency of naval warfare, from the transportation of troops and munitions of war, to fighting battles upon the high seas, yard-arm to yard-arm. We are left to float on the sea of conjecture as to the exact understanding of the contractors; but we may by examining the specifications by which these vessels were constructed determine for ourselves whether they are fit for war purposes or not, and to what extent. The Collins contract provided for the construction of five steamships, which should carry the mails, making twenty trips per annum, for the annual compensation of $385,000. Four ships only were constructed. In 1852 the contractors appealed to Congress, alleged their inability to continue their service without ruinous loss, produced their exhibits to show receipts and disbursements, and asked to be paid (if my recollection be correct, for I have no data before me) $858,000 per annum, they agreeing to make twenty-six instead of twenty trips per annum. This proposition startled the country at the time. The dispropor If there are laws requiring repeal or amendment, why not go about the work openly as heretofore? The time is not auspicious for the southern people to inaugurate new practices. It is said, that in the Know-Nothing councils the majority govern absolutely, and that the national council governs the State councils. Who can tell what mandatory edicts this National Council may issue? Northern Know-Nothings control it; northern Know-Nothings are in favor of excluding all persons who cannot read and write from voting. Will their southern brethren stand with them on that platform? The North has kept the South poor by high protective tariffs and navigation laws; has drawn from it that wealth which would have enabled it to educate all its people, and now, because we have a large number of persons who have not received the benefits of an education, the northern Know-Nothings arrogantly propose to add insult to injury, by declaring to us who are to be admitted to the right of suffrage. They had as well let us alone; we can manage our own affairs. The||tion between the proposed increase of compensaWhigs of the South have, heretofore, advocated principles. Why quit them now? Why should any southern Democrat quit his party now? It has proved itself equal to every emergency. Under its principles the country has prospered. It is the party of progress, of States-rights, of the Constitution; pledged to maintain all its guarantees. NEW SERIES.-No. 23. tion and the service to be performed was remarkable. Rival companies, contractors, and proprie tors of ocean steamers came to Washington, active competition was awakened, and it was soon ascertained that the service then actually performed by the Collins ships could be performed by others for the same compensation, with an increase. But the same time and manner in which it is now performed by the Collins ships, for $19,250 per trip, or $500,000 per annum. If we accept this offer we save to the public Treasury $357,500 per annum, a sum more, I apprehend, than the total expenditures within my own State for postal service. Now, sir, why should we not accept this offer? Are we at liberty to reject it? Can any doubt exist that it is not made in good faith, made with a bona fide intention of complying with its terms? Why, sir, if the national reputation, enterprise, and wealth of Mr. Vanderbilt afford us no security upon this point, certainly, the declarations of the Senator from Tennessee must remove all reasonable doubt. That Senator rises in his place here, and upon his responsibility indorses this proposition, and declares further, that the party in question stands ready, if his offer be accepted, to enter into bonds in the sum of $2,000,000 for the faithful performance of its stipulations. This we must regard as conclusive; and that the Senate so regards it is evident from the fact that the honorable Senator's declarations have been received unquestioned, and no Senator here doubts his authority or the sincerity with which the proposition is made. Mr. President, to myself this proposition and these statements are as new as they were unexpected; nor was I aware that this service could be performed upon terms so favorable to the country. Of Mr. Vanderbilt I know personally nothing, never having seen him to my knowledge; but for the reasons stated I do not feel at liberty, nor do I understand how others can, to disregard his proposition. The honorable Senator from Delaware, [Mr. BAYARD,] who submitted a few brief remarks on the question a short time since, but who, I trust, will give us his views in full before the vote is taken, said that the difference between the offer of Mr. Vanderbilt and the amount we are now paying, is more than compensated by the postages we now receive, which postages he indicated would be less than they are at present, if the vessels took a longer time to make the trips. In reply to that I have merely to say, that whatever the time may be which is made by Mr. Collins's ships, Mr. Vanderbilt undertakes to make. But, sir, it must be remembered that time was not an element of the Collins contract, and he was at liberty to cross the Atlantic in whatever time his own interest might dictate; and that, under his existing contract, should the speed of his ships, with increasing age or decay, be diminished one half, the Government would be powerless to accelerate it; and hence, sir, you will at once perceive that Mr. Vanderbilt's offer to make the time of the Collins line, fixing, as it does, a minimum time, is more favorable to the Government than the existing contract with Mr. Collins. I have no doubt that he would excel the Collins time, sir; for in this progressive age, when the ingenuity of man is devising means to annihilate time, when the telegraph is becoming a "slow coach" to our impatience, the ship which makes the run between New York and Liverpool but one hour quicker than all others, will necessarily have the preference of mails and passengers. My honorable friend from Delaware, I think, is in error as to the question of postage. The postage stated in our official returns for the past fiscal year, from the Collins contract, is $153,377; while the difference, as I have heretofore shown, between the Collins and Vanderbilt offers, is $357,500. Upon this point I will not dwell, for 33D CONG....2D SESS. the figures speak for themselves; but I will ask gentlemen to examine them and determine whether they should be disregarded. With me, sir, the propriety of our appropriations of the public money is controlled, not by their amount, but by their legality and national policy and expediency. But, while for legitimate objects of appropriation, a wise liberality may frequently be the soundest economy, I trust I may never be found voting away a dollar of the public money without justification upon these premises. That the Collins steamers appeal to our national pride, and merit, to a certain extent, national support, I am ready to admit; and in all that has been said here of the enterprise, boldness, and success of their projector, their thorough adaptation to the transportation of mails and passengers, and of their superiority of speed and details of structure, I fully concur. As carriers between the shores of Great Britain and the United States they stand unequaled. Nor have I failed to observe the national advantages derived from that bold and superior effort in the casting and construction of engines and machinery among us which the enterprise and success of Mr. Collins originated. We have made rapid progress in our means and ability to meet, in our machine shops, the wants of ocean steam navigation; and I know that the construction of the engines, shafts and cylinders for these ships developed and encouraged these means and this ability in a remarkable manner. But, sir, in admitting this we cannot fail to see that every day develops some new and useful addition to our means of ocean navigation, and that we are upon the threshold of startling discoveries or improvements which will bring all parts of the earth in closer proximity, and which must necessarily advance the general good of our race. Even while we are here speaking, a steamer of twenty thousand tons, or six times the size of either of the Collins ships, is being constructed in Great Britain for the Australian trade; and the genius of man is devising the means of crossing the Atlantic in six days. Now, sir, since, through the judicious aid of this Government, the Collins ships have been created and maintained, why should we declare in advance, that similar aid shall not be extended to others? Why should we, by surrendering our right to terminate this contract, and declaring it absolute for the next five years, deprive ourselves of the power of making a better one within that time? Suppose next year steamers should be built to cross the Atlantic in eight days, what chance of profitable competition could they possibly have while the Collins ships receive this $858,000? In such an event, we would be compelled to purchase the Collins ships to get them out of our way. But, sir, what right have we thus gratuitously to tie the hands of our successors, and to preclude them from availing themselves of all the advantages which science and discovery may hold out in ocean navigation? None whatever, sir; and depend upon it, that this proposition will sound strangely in the ears of our people. But, Mr. President, it was not my design to discuss this branch of the subject, but to reply to those who have deemed it proper upon this occasion to denounce our Navy, and incidentally to condemn your naval committees. The honorable Senator from Texas [Mr. Rusk] speaks of the great advantages our commercial marine derives from our appropriations to the Collins steamers. I do not perceive this so clearly, sir; nor do I see any advantage which would not equally accrue to it from appropriations to any other steamships. If we appropriated money generally to steamships, I could readily understand how the shipping interest would be developed and fostered; but so long as the business between New York and Liverpool remains as it is, supporting one line only, I am unable to understand the Senator's argument that when we declare that one set of ships exclusively shall receive $858,000 per annum, and shall continue to receive it for five years to come, wherein the encouragement to other ships consists. The honorable Senator speaks in exalted terms of these ships as war steamers; the same judgment is pronounced by the Senator from Michigan, [Mr. STUART,] and as this argument is made and relied upon in both Houses to sustain appropriations for them, The Collins Steamers, &c.—Mr. Mallory. I deem it proper to reply to it somewhat in de tail. Sir, depend upon it, my friend from Texas has never examined either the ships or this view of the subject; for I know too well, and have too much respect for his judgment to suppose that he would thus speak if he had done so, or that he would vote an appropriation to place one of these ships in our Navy. Mr. RUSK. I would most cheerfully. This day, if we wanted a war steamer, I should regard them as not only better for service in war than any we have in our Navy, but better than any in the British or any other navy. Mr. MALLORY. I am glad that my honorable friend announces his opinions so unequivocally, because I am more than ever convinced that he has not examined the condition of our Navy, or that of Great Britain; that he has not duly considered the requisites of war steamers; and that I shall be able, perhaps, to show even to himself the error of his judgment. He regards them, as war steamers, superior to the naval ships of Britain or France. Mr. RUSK. Of equal tonnage. Mr. MALLORY. That is equivalent to saying that they are equal to the largest British or French war steamers-for, if my memory be correct, the Baltic's tonnage is not exceeded by that of the Royal Albert, the John Watt, the Agamemnon, the Napoleon, or by many of the first-rate ships of those navies. The contract between the Government and Mr. Collins contains a stipulation that these steamers should have "great speed" and be built "sufficiently strong for war purposes.' Now, sir, I have never understood what was meant by "war purposes," nor was it understood by the Government examiners of these vessels. The transportation of troops, provisions, mails, dispatches, or munitions of war, during the existence of a maritime war, are embraced within the term "war purposes;" yet the contracting parties must have meant more than this, for such duties may be performed by any steamship in our ports, and by many of them, under certain circumstances, better than the Collins ships. But, sir, these duties are required only during actual hostilities, whereas the most efficient, as well, perhaps, as the most glorious, service of a war vessel is to cruise in times of peace and to exhibit such a readiness and adaptation for war as to make peace preferable to our enemies. But, sir, to me these terms, if they imply anything, must be understood to mean an ability to fight the battles of our country upon the high seas. Upon this ground we can all stand without misapprehension; for these terms at once recall to the mind not only the glorious struggles of our own Navy-when ship to ship and yard-arm to yardarm, we snatched the sceptre of invincibility from Britain-but those memorable fleet battles and single combats of ships upon the great deep which have been treasured in the songs of every age. And here let me ask my honorable friend [Mr. RUSK] if he has any knowledge of decided naval battles having been fought at a greater distance between ships than pistol shot? Why, sir, I could recall a hundred to his mind, in which the struggle was hand to hand; and he well knows that Britain won her glorious character on the deep only through her habit of close fighting. The two actions which most distinguished our naval courage and seamanship were those between the Bonhomme Richard and the Serapis, and between the Constitution and Guerriere. In the first the rammers of our guns had to be thrust through the ports of the enemy to enable us to load; and not a gun disturbed the deathly stillness of the Constitution's decks until the enemy was within pistol range. In such a contest, sir, when the destructive character of sea batteries is augmented a hundred fold, when rapidity and accuracy in gunnery practice are in full development, what would become of such ships as these, whose side wheels, shafts, boilers, and machinery, whose very life, in short, are all defenseless upon the surface, and exposed to utter annihilation by a single shot? My friend speaks of their great speed. Let me ask him to point out the advantages of speed in such contests as I have described. To fight at all, ships must be in close proximity. The very char SENATE. acter of their element renders successful fighting at any distance out of the question; and of what benefit to war ships would be the speed of the locomotive, if with its speed were combined the locomotives exposure and vulnerability? Bat, sir, the argument in favor of this great speed is fallacious. Great speed in large ships can only be attained by great boiler surface, and great consumption of fuel, and while the first exposes the boiler to every shot, the latter deprives the ship of the power of remaining at sea beyond a few days. Now, sir, the Collins ships burn from eighty to one hundred tons of coal every twenty-four hours, and this enormous consumption must ever prevent them from carrying our flag into distant seas; for they could not carry sufficient coal to sustain themselves; nor can we belive for a moment that, sharp and lean as they are, anything like present speed could be maintained, if armed and provisioned, and strengthened as ships of war. But, apart from all this sir, their construction as shown by the specifications accompanying the contract, prove them to be extremely weak and light in comparison to vessels built as war ships; and to make this apparent, we have but to examine and compare them with the construction of the steam frigates now in progress. While these frigates are timbered with the best of seasoned live oak, and planked with white oak, the frames of the Collins ships are composed of white oak, locust, chesnut and cedar, and they are planked with pine. These different woods are all of unequal durability; their decay under the various modifications of wear and tear must be unequal; and the result is, that repairs must always be needed. Their pine bottoms are an insuperable objection. Not that pine is less durable than the white oak in our naval ships, but because it does not hold the bolts, or what is technically called the fastenings, so well. The action of the powerful engines of these ships produces a constant tremulous action upon the hull, which, in addition to other obvious causes tends to shake or disturb the bolts which hold the planking to the timbers; and the fibre of the oak resists this tendency far better than pine. The specifications alluded to show the frames of these ships to be "four feet from center to center, and the timbers to ride ten inches;" that is, to a surface of twenty inches of timber there is immediately adjoining an opening of twentyeight inches. Here it will be seen that solidity was sacrificed to speed, and to these mixed timbers of light cedar, locust, and chestnut-planked with pine-and having between them these extraordinary spaces (extraordinary for war vessels) of twenty-eight inches, must we look for the causes of the Arctic's loss. The Vesta which sunk her, was about two hundred tons burden, and her cutwater, it will be remembered, remained wedged in between the timbers of the Arctic. Every man conversant with this subject-nay, every sensible man in the country-must see that, had the Arctic's sides been constructed as our naval ships are, such a thing could not have occurred. The thickness of the sides of the new steam frigates is twenty-four inches at the water line-a solid wall of live oak frames and white oak planks-and to twenty-six inches of timber there is a space only of eight inches. Such a mass of the best timber, twenty-four inches thick, thoroughly bolted and riveted together, could have received no material injury from such an encounter. But, when the Vesta struck the Arctic, stem on, in the fore channels, she unfortunately struck between the frames, or in the open space, and the pine planking offered the only resistance. When these gave way the ship filled. I have seen an account of a collision between an iron steamer and a merchant ship, which was so remarkably like the case of the Arctic that I deem it worthy of quotation. It is this: "The ship Young Brander, Hamilton, of and from New Orleans, which was in contact with the iron screw steater Pactolius, off Tuskar, was struck in the fore channels, cut ting the ship from the water up to five planks on deck. carrying away mizen top mast, back stay, lanyard, and main-brace; eight timbers were stove in, and all the thick work and water-ways between decks, and from forty to fifty knees, were broken, starting almost every butt in the ship. The iron cutwater of the steamer, weighing about two tons, was driven clean through the side of the ship, till it reached the cargo of cotton, when it broke, and remained hanging to the ship after the collision-the steamer was going at the rate of thirteen knots at the time. Captain |