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a neigendemain porgets too, that the proudest that the south as morning of who diue the South, le brought to ile aid all the power and long estaba

his errors of head) was wedded to the interests of away last session for the purchase, from bankrupt | Indiana, and every inch of ground was contested that country for which he so often periled his life, Santa Anna, of the Mesilla valley. It was done, | vigorously by both parties. The result is known. supported, 'in 1828, the highest protective tariff | under whip and spur, when even the appeals of In Michigan how stands the case? I had the ever made; and even now, he ought to know that the venerable gentleman from Missouri, (Mr. pleasure of passing through that State for a forta southern Secretary of the Treasury recommends | BENTON,] for light and information, in regard to night during the canvass. Everywhere on the the principle of protection.

Gadsden treaty, were .

stump, the bill topic. page in the history of the lamented statesman of in the midnight hours of last session, asked lished in Auence of the distinguished Senator, (Mr. Kentucky-Henry Clay-under whose banner he $10,000,000, as pocket change for the President, || Cass,) who honors us with his presence and attenfought gallant battles in by-gone days, is that during our shori recess, to be expended, doubt- tion this morning. And, sir, he not only passed which records him as the author of that great | less, with a view to get Cuba, and who has sought from point to point, all over the State, exerting “American system,” which embraced protection || $200,000,000, and even war with Spain, if neces- all his personal influence, but he argued to his peoto American industry.

to acquire that rich island ?

ple that they should support the measure, because, The gentleman says the South has never asked The South asks nothing!. The gentleman's under its provisions, slavery could not exist in anything from our Government, and reminds us

memory is bad. Did not he, or others from the these Territories under this act, whilst the gentlethat the West and North ask for the improvement South, get-and by the aid of my own vote, too- man from Georgia, and the southern friends, ad. of their rivers and lakes. I am prepared, if it be- || $100,000 for a purely local improvement in Cape vocate it upon the ground that it secures them the comes necessary, to go fully into that question at Fear river, which has comparatively no com- right to take the institution there. (See his "speech the proper time. That, too, is a fruitful subject merce? Did they not get it, too, with the appro- at Romeo.") But even his power could not cona great national question-not involving the inter- bation of the President, just after he had vetoed trol the spirit of his people. They condemned the esls of the people of the West alone, but of the the bill granting land to every State in the Union, act, returning three anti-Nebraska men to the next North, the East, and the South-of every section to aid in the construction of hospitals for the india || Congress, and placing in the Governor's chair, by of our common country, so richly endowed by a gent insane, and just before he vetoed the river and a majority of five thousand votes, Kingsly s. generous Providence with all the natural elements | harbor bill, which appropriated money for the Bingham, who was a member of this body in the of a true national independence. Whenever the improvement of the natural thoroughfares in every memorable Congress of 1849 and 1850, and left President shall furnish his twice-promised reasons section of this broad land?

here an unmistakable record of his position on for vetoing what we have already done on this The South asks nothing!Does she not get her the principles of the Nebraska bill. subject, a more suitable occasion will be presented full share of appropriations for her navy-yards, Then, sir, there is my own native Ohio. The for a discussion of the question. The gentleman for improvements on the sea-coast, for harbors, I gentleman's attention has been attracted to the says:

piers, breakwaters, light-houses, life-boats, &c.? number of bushels of potatoes her free-born sons "All that we ask of you is, keep your hands out of our Are not our people taxed for the Navy which produce, but, in his flourish about the elections, pockets. That is all that the South ask, and we do not get protects her cotton on the high seas? And do we he omits to notice the character of their votes on even that." We are told the South gets nothing asks | the transportation of your southern mails?

not pay largely more than our just proportion for the Nebraska bill. There's the record of "the nothing !" Certainly not! Let us take a glance

young giant of the West-the first born under

The South asks nothing!She never asks for the Jefferson ordinance of '87.” Look at it! A at what we have done in the way of acquisitions of territory, and for the extension of the area of any of the ofices!. She never gets any-certainly majority of cighty thousand; which might have her institution of slavery. When the Union was

noi! This proposition will be better demonstrated been more, but is certainly enough for all practical

by the Blue Book, if gentlemen will turn to it! formed, one of its objects was declared to be the

purposes, as her delegation to the Thirty-Fourth restriction, if not the extinction, of African sla

Mr. Chairman, the honorable gentleman's Congress is a unit against the repeal of the Misvery. The preamble to the Constitution which our

memory is not clear this morning. I advert to souri compromise. That is the verdict of Ohio. fathers made, and which we are sworn to support; refreshing it not in any spirit of unkindness in meeting the challenge of the gentleman, and

these things hastily and cursorily, by way of I point to it with as much pride as I shall take declares its object: “ to form a more perfect union" and "secure the blessings of liberty.In no part

to the South, for I vote 'most cheerfully for her showing that her "slep in progress” is unlike the of it is there any express provision for slavery

measures of improvement, and would be the last || gentleman's great step in repealing the Missouri certainly none to extend it or acquire for it new

man to interfere with her constitutional rights. I compromise, which was a step backwards of territory. The cotemporaneous events prove that

mention them in a defensive spirit, under a neces. thirty-four years. Ohio's march, thank God, the framers desired to rid the nation of it. Since

sity which the gentleman has created, by his morally, intellectually, and in “physical developthe free States agreed to this bond of union, they

course of remark in representing the free States ment," from the day she was born into this Union, have asked no acquisition of foreign territory, In

of this Union as dependent upon the liberality of has been onward and upward, with the strides of one instance, sir, we yielded a just claim to terri.

the slave States, who, he says, “ask nothing." a mighty young giant. Looking to her with tory. We vauntingly raised over Oregon the

Mr. Chairman, the honorable gentleman dis- filial affection, for all that I have been in the past, banner of “ 540 40 or fight!” Our cause was in

cusses the causes which have produced the result and all I hope for in the future, may I not say, in the hands of a southern President, and when

of the late elections--a result unprecedented in the the language of a distinguished statesman, " There Britain's lion growled, with humbled flag, we

political annals of this country. Everywhere, sir, || she stands! God bless her!" were ordered to take the backward step down to

as 1 predicted on this floor when the great wrong The honorable gentleman seems to challenge a 490!

of repealing the Missouri compromise was about || comparison of the products of Ohio with those of

to be consummated, by what we regarded as a Georgia. I should alse to my State in de" The South asks nothing !". In 1803, we paid | fraud upon the law and the rules of the House, clining to take up the gauntlet in her defense. He fifteen millions to get Louisiana. The South asks nothing !" In 1819, we paid

the people have discarded all party ties, and have proposes, by this line of argument, to show that

sent back a rebuke in the thunder tones of a true ihe labor of an African slave is better calculated five millions to get Florida. “ The South asks nothing !". In 1845, her policy Antler himself with the idea he has expressed, that

"popular sovereignty!". The gentleman need not to develop the natural resources of our great counbrought Texas into the Union, with a promise

try than the labor of an American freeman. If that that she might carve herself up into five States.

" the Nebraska bill" was not the issue, and has be a true proposition, would it not be better that The South asks nothing !". Her Texas an

had nothing to do in producing this result. He we should all be slaves ? It involves higher connexation brought the war with Mexico, and more

instances the case of yourself, Mr. Chairman, siderations than those prompted by mere State territory was demanded as “ the fruits of that | [Mr. CHANDLER in the chair.), I am not fully pride in a comparison of the products of turnips,

&c.! Holding, as I understand the gentleman and tens of thousands, and hundreds of thousands place you have filled for many years with so much war!" 'I cannot now correctly state the thousands, advised of the causes which produced the election

of the honorable gentleman who is to occupy the does, that slavery improves the African race, and millions, and tens of millions of dollars paid

his proposition, if substantiated, would lead to

the reopening of the African slave trade, with all out of our Treasury to prosecute it; but oh, Mr. ability. But I assert that he is as much opposed Chairman, may I not point the honorable gentle. to the repeal of the Missouri compromise as either its train of atrocities, now made piracy by laws

upon your statute-book. If gentlemen from the man to the stained battlefields of Monterey, of you or I. !f it is not so, let me be corrected.

slave Slates seriously believe that enslaving the Buena Vista, of Cerro Gordo, of Chepultepec, | Again, hie refers

to your colleague from the Lanand Cherubusco, to prove that the North poured

caster district, (Mr. Hiester,) and would draw African makes him happy-is a moral, a social,

the inference that his defeat was occasioned by and a political blessing, both to the master and the out freely her purest and best blood to satisfy his vote against the Nebraska act. Such is not slave, and that it develops more successfully those your demands. " The South asks nothing !" Did she not get

the fact. His successor, too, as the gentleman | rich elements with which the God of Nature has about thirty-five millions to prosecute the Florida

will learn in due time, will come here pledged to endowed this, " our native land," why do they war? How many millions more it will take to aid in undoing that great wrong.

not meet the great question boldly at once by incapture that celebrated chief, old “Billy Bow

In every free State, where an election has been troducing," a bill to repeal all laws prohibiting the Jegs," God only knows.

'held, the result has been the same. Take the African slave trade?" and tendering bounties for

State of New York, to which the gentleman has " The South' asks nothing !" I pass over the

natives brought from Africa to slavery, as we do referred. Notwithstanding the complex condition for codfish taken from the bed of the ocean? millions upon millions she has received at various times, either in money or lands, and come down

of old parties there, she returns thirty-two mem- Mr. Chairman, I did not desire to travel over to recent dates. In 1850, the gentleman himself; compromise, and one whose opinions, it is said, | gentleman parades, in this contest, slave labor

bers pledged against the repeal of the Missouri the whole ground of the slavery question. The voted to give Texas $10,000,000, under pretext I have not been made known. that we got from her territory, which she never

against free labor! He has presented his case owned, because she had neither conquered nor

In regard to the character of the contests in with that marked ability which characterizes all occupied it.

other States, I can speak from personal knowledge | his efforts—an ability which has, more than once, The South asks nothing !" Why, Mr. Chair

as to three of them, in which I participated before commanded my admiration. In presenting the man, in this very Hall, ten millions were voted

the people--Indiana, Michigan, and Ohio. The other side, I will not be charged with making Nebraska question was the great question in improper, or even voluntary war on the institu

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tions of the South, in calling his attention briefly, old Colonies of Virginia, of North Carolina, of gentleman wishes to institute a fair comparison again, as I have done heretofore, to high author- South Carolina, of Maryland, and of Georgia. l between the two States, let him take any five or ily, exclusively southern. Let us look at ihe ancient They declared that the effect of slavery upon our ten years and exhibit the aggregate results, and doctrine of the fathers, compared with the mod- common country was to “obstruct the population | there will be more justice in it. ern ideas of the gentleman. In the early period of it with freemen and useful manufacturers.” But Mr. STEPHENS, of Georgia. I did not “pick of our history, the opposition to slavery was of Georgia, this morning, as represented by the hon- | out” any particular year either for Ohio or Georthe most unrelenting character, for reasons then orable gentleman, who comes before the House gia. I said that I took the census returns for asserted. I give but a few references on this with his "grand step of progress"—with the 1850 for both States. The gentleman knows that point.

great movement made by the National Legisla. | 1 opposed the collection of such statistics in the In 1774, a spirited effort was made by the slave- ture on this question” of repealing the Missouri

I have never thought such returns very holding colonies to check the further progress of compromise-uttering the high sounding declara- || accurate, but they were taken though against my slavery. They did not regard it as the best means tion that "revolutions never go backwards,” || vote, and I referred to them as I found them so of improving the country: A meeting of the peo- brings up statistics to prove the declarations of returned and published. I did noi "pick out" ple of Culpepper county, Virginia, adopted the fol- | the old Continental men untrue! He tells us, in any particular year. lowing resolution: effect, that it is now demonstrated that slavery,

Mr. CAMPBELL. I have no time now to « Resolved, that the importing slaves and convict ser. rather than freedom, is the true principle on which examine the correctness of the gentleman's statisvants is injurious to this Colony, as it obstructs the population of it with freemen and useful manufacturers; and

to trust " physical development !!! He parades | tics; but I will prepare and publish with my rethat we will not buy any such slaves or convict servants

Georgia against Ohio. I know his State exhibits | marks a full statement of the facta. hercasier to be imported."-American Archives, Ist rol. a degree of prosperity as great, if not greater, than I make reference to the annexed tables, which are 4th series, page 523.

any other where slavery prevails. I rejoice that taken from the census. (See appendix.) On minute We find similar resolves in July, 1774, in her people are prosperous, and am willing to vote examination of the gentleman's statistics, I find he Prince George's county, (p. 493;) Nansemond her all proper aid to facilitate her onward march. | adopts a singular system of getting up the comcounty, (p. 530;) Caroline county, (p.541;) Surry | Similarity in the character of climate, soil, produc- | parative value of agricultural products. It reminds county, (p. 593;) Fairfax county, Washington | tions, &c., would have furnished a more just cri- me of England's old system of the "sliding scale," presiding, (p. 600;) Harrison county, (p. 616;) | terion. on which to predicate the test of a great prin- in levying duties on corn. The census gives the in Princess Anne county, (p. 641.) Also, the ciple like this. Virginia and Ohio, separated only number of bushels of wheat, corn, &c., and the Virginia Provincial Convention, (p. 687;) the as they are by the river Ohio,(which is regarded here quantity of agricultural products, but it does not North Carolina Provincial Convention, (p. 735;) as insignificant when compared with Cape Fear!) furnish' the market value. The gentleman fixes the first convention of Provinces, to form a Union, would have furnished a fairer field for comparison. | the price himself, and does not give Ohio the ben. meeting at Philadelphia, (p. 740.)

Had the gentleman selected Virginia as the soil efit of equality, and besides, he puts those articles, On this point, of free and slave labor, I quote upon which he would display his great point of in the product of which Ohio excels, at very low Georgia sentiments, (p. 1136,) as she uttered ihem | physical development,” I should have contented figures. In exposition of his system, I will inin 1774, when her revolutionary men appealed to | myself by saying to him, "go to the city of slance the important items to Ohio of wheat, corn, the God of battles to aid them. By the side of Pittsburg, and as you descend upon the smooth and oats, three of her greatest staples: them I present the sentiments of the gentleman, || surface of the beautiful Ohio, cast your piercing | Hecredits Georgia with wheat at $1 00 per bushel. [Mr. STEPHENS,) as uttered here this morning: eye to the left, and then to the right. On the one


80 Georgia on slavery in 1774. Georgia on slavery in 1854. hand behold " physical development" under the

Georgia with corn at 50 "In a general ph ilanthropy “I believe, too, that the institution which your southern men of the Rev


30 for ALL MANKIND, of what. system of government, as olution said they would abolish-on the other,

Georgia with oats at ever climate, language, or adopted by the South, defin

Ohio complexion, we hereby de- ing the status or relation of witness the fruits of Jefferson's ordinance of 1787.

25 clare our disapprobation and these two races, is the best There you see the “Old Dominion," and the These being among Ohio's chief products, the abhorrence of the unnatural for both of them; and I am “ mother of presidents, "as she now is. Hér proud gentleman arranges his " sliding scale," makes up practice of slavery in Amer- prepared to argue that ques- history tells you what she once was; and her rivers a particular aggregate, and then boastingly preica, (however the unculu. tion with the gentleman, hero vated state of our country or

sents the result. Why, sir, he slides the price up anywhere.

and plains-her mines, and her mountain streams other specious arguments Could toward, the pbilan- show that the old Commonwealth embraces as in Georgia, and then slides it down in Ohio! I may plead for it,) a practice thropist, who has len an un- many of the natural elements of wealth as the ought, perhaps, to thank him for not sliding so far founded in injustice and cru- dying fame for his deeds of

most favored portions of the footstool of the on this scale as to show that my State, under her eity, and highly dangerous to humanity, have taken the our liberties, as well as lives, same number of Africans

Almighty! Here you see the State called the system of free labor, is making beggars of her debasing part of our fellow- from their native country and “giant of the West. from the embryo which citizens, and that they would make a more “grand creatures below men, and raised them from their bar. seems to have slumbered from the morning of cre- step” in “physical development," to convert a corrupting the virtue morals of the rest, and is the slaves of the South, he

ation, she sprang into active life when the magic || portion of her freemen into slaves ! laying the basis of that liberty would have added much to

pen of Jefferson wrote, and the wise patriotism of Again, the gentleman throws “hay" entirely we contend for, (and which that stature of immortality ihe Continental Congress solemnly declared, out of his estimate-an important agricultural we pray the Almighty to con- which, in his day, he erected "slavery shall not go there!" And as the gentleman product in Ohio-on the ground that no return is tinue to the latest posterity,) to himself. It would have upon a very wrong founda- greatly added to that reputa

should descend to the city of Cincinnati, the made in the census for Georgia " fodder !". He We therefore resolve, tion, which now sanctifies “Queen of the West,” (although she has no omits to state that no relurn of fodder is made for at all times, lo use our utmost his memory in the hearts and works of antiquity to charm the wayfarer,) I would | Ohio, and Indian corn being her great staple, it endearors for the manumis- affections of mankind."

whisper in his ear," look upon this picture, and must follow that her crop of fodder is vastly sion of our slaves in this colony, upon the most sale and

then upon that." I would not, Mr. Chairman, || greater than that of Georgia. But, " fodder or equitable footing for the masshow him these comparative results by way of

no fodder," I must bring the gentleman's arguer and themselves.

exultation over Virginia, or in a spirit of selfish ment up to the “rack” of a just test. He forces And Thomas Jefferson (page 696) said: State pride. Oh, no! My most sacred memories me to do so. « THE ABOLITION

are identified with her. My ancestors, from the In the tables I present, I adopt equalily in the ORLATEST OBJECT OF DESIRE IN THESE COLONIES, where highlands of Scotland, first enjoyed American value, and take the quantity of agricultural proit was unhappily introduced in their infant state." And Henry Clay, after witnessing its effects liberty there. The blood of one whom memory ducts as returned by the census. In fixing the

makes dear to me, stained her soil in the battle of prices for items of Ohio produce, I have rated until 1830, said in this Hall:

Eutaw. I have an affectionate regard for her, sir. them considerably below the market value at New " Our friends who are cursed with this greatest of human

Although, as a native Ohioan, I do not feel much York; while for the staples of Georgia and the evils, deserve the kindest attention and consideration. Their property and their safety are both involved. But the like singing:

South, such as cotton, sugar, tobacco, rice, &c., liberal and candid among them will not, cannot, expect

“Oh carry me back to Old Virginia,

I give him the benefit of the highest average prices ibal every project to deliver our country from it is to be

To Old Virginia's shere,”

of that city. I have taken the current prices of the crushed because of a possible and ideal danger.”

yet I have the hope in my heart there is "a || present, time, too, because they are more easily I might quote volumes of such declarations to

good time coming," when the true spirits of that ascertained, and the comparison will be more saldisprove the gentleman's position. If they are | ancient Commonwealth will, in reality, make some isfactory to the country than the rates of 1850; * Abolition doctrines," let him denounce, if he

great movement,” and “a grand step in that and, besides, the public is more concerned to know chooses, those who ultered them. I refer him to progress which characterizes the age !”

the relative advantages of free and slave labor the record they have left behind.

The honorable gentleman invites, perhaps forces | now, than then. The gentleman may tell me that these are but

me, to Georgia, for comparison. I go cheerfully; Upon this equitable basis of calculation, the the opinions of men, and that experience has

even further than the sunny fields of his constitu- result shows (see the table) that, in agriculture, proven them fallacious. They are the opinions of ents, am I ready to follow him on this question. Ohio produces...

..$145,838,232 wise men—of patriots-of the best men America With the brief history of young Ohio in my hand, Georgia produces.

65,488,267 has ever produced; of the men who periled all for I will go with him, in this examination, to the American independence. In quoting them, I only | remotest corners of the earth, and with true statis- Ohio ahead, (annually)........ $80,349,965 echo, in feeble tones, the voice of our Washington, || tics as the test, assert, that within the same period our Jefferson, our Madison, our Patrick Henry,

of time, no people can make a better exhibit in the Again, the gentleman kept out the value of liveour Hoopers and Caswells, our Pendletons, and

grand step in that progress which characterizes || stock, which must be considered as products of Lees, and Harrisons, and Middletons, and Rut- || the age," than hers.

the farmer and planter. Our fat hogs and cattle, ledges, and a host of other southern patriots, Upon the subject of physical development, let | that formerly were slaughtered and sent from Ohio whose names are engraven upon the grateful me say that the gentleman, in showing the agri- in barrels, are now sent by our railroads alive, hearts of the American people. But feebly, in- | cultural products of my Stale, has probably selected by thousands and tens of thousands, to Baltimore; deed, do I now repeat the sentiments uttered in

a particular year when the drouth has swept over Philadelphia, New York, and Boston markets, and the trying hour of our national history, by the ' it, destroying the products of our labor. 'If the II driven on foot to Georgia and the South.

and barous condition to that of






330 CONG....20 Sess.

Kansas and Nebraska, &c.-Mr. Campbell.

Ho. OF REPs.





1 91



« Time cuts down all,

By the census the value of live-stock in Ohio sand more churches, with accommodations in | portion of the people of one section of the Union

$44,121,741 them for nearly a million more people, and which would be excluded from a fair and equal particiraIn Georgia...

25,728,416 are worth four millions and a half more dollars than tion in the public domain, would be manifestly

those of Georgia-ihat we have five times the num- unjust, and a gross abuse of power, if not tantaOhio ahead.....

$18,393.325 ber of regular periodicals, &c., and circulate twenty- mount to a direct usurpation.

six millions more newspapers! With such an exhibit, Mr. CAMPBELL. The gentleman seems to Which, added to the other excess, puts Ohio, I present my native Slate to the eye of the world. If || evade my question. Will he not answer it directly? young as she is, ahead of Georgia, her elder sis. she suffers by the comparison which the gentleman I doubt not that he has an opinion upon the subter, annually, near one hundred million of dollars ! has instituted, I only ask it to be borne in mind ject, and it is a question to which “yes,” or

I said that in the year in which the census was that Georgia is an old State, always having en- no," would be an answer. Does he, I again taken, there was a failure in Ohio crops. I find I joyed the institution of slavery, which the gentle | ask, believe that Congress has the power to exclude was correct; for the report of our State auditor man has so eloquently described as the true system slavery from a Territory? Will he answer me? shows that fact. The next year our wheat crop of “physical development,' whilst Ohio is a Mr. STEPHENS. 1 told the gentleman at the was doubled to 23,769,139 bushels, instead of-as young State, peopled with those who do their last session, that, upon the question of power on returned by the census-14,487,351 bushels. But own work, and from which that institution has this subject, I stood where Chatham ecood in the I need not pursue agricultural products further, I always been excluded.

British Parliament upon the subject of taxing the since I show, by fair figures, that Ohio labor, with Before I leave the gentleman's statistics, I must Colonies without representation. Chatham looked half a crop, so far exceeds Georgia.

redeem a promise. I said I would show the com- not so much to the question of power as he did to We have another class of industry in this coun- parative number of adult free persons who cannot the justice and propriety of its exercise. And try besides agriculture, which statesmen should read or write. I find Ohio has only one to twenty

with these views, without discussing the power, foster and look to—manufactures and the mechanic | nine, while Georgia has one to twelve ! Here, for he said if he were an American he would resist the arts. The genıleman seems to have forgotten the first time, the census puls “Georgia ahead!” measure. I give the gentleman the same answer them in his speech. As he has set up the labor | There I leave her, with sentiments of affectionate now that I gave him then. of his slaves in Georgia against that of the free regard, and go forward to other branches of the Mr. CAMPBELL. You quoted Chatham working men of Ohio, he cannot complain if I discussion.

when I put this question to you in the opening of “ carry the war into Africa !” A short table from Mr. Chairman, I enter upon the merits of the the debate on the Nebraska bill, last session. It the census will show up our two States in these “repeal of the Missouri compromise," and the did not then, nor does it now, answer my question branches of industry. proposition of the gentleman from Indiana, (Mr.

Mr. STEPHENS.' That is my answer to the

Mace,) which has followed, to exclude slavery gentleman.

Mr. CAMPBELL. I submit that it is not a
Raw Annual Per cent. from the Territories of Kansas and Nebraska.

product. profit And I would desire the attention of the gentleman | pertinent answer to a fair question. I understand Ohio....... . $29.919,538 $31.677,937 $62.647,259

from Georgia, (Mr. Stephens,] if he remains in the gentleman to decline to give me an unequivocal, Georgia...... 5,460,4-3 3,404,917 7,086,525 36.06

the Hall, whilst I discuss it. That repeal was answer. I shall, therefore, upon my high estimate Ohio ahead..$23,559.1155 $31,273,020 $15 560.734 either right or wrong. The eighth section of the of his intellect, assume that he does believe that

Missouri act, interdicting slavery north of 360 30', Congress has the power, and that the question The gentleman will observe that in manufacture was either constitutional or unconstitutional, Mr. || resolves itself, in his judgment, into one of exwe have five times as much capital as Georgia, use Monroe approved the act, and Messrs. Calhoun, pediency. Why, sir, the gentleman cannot very len limes as much raw material, and make a much Crawford, and Wirt, southern members of his well take any other ground that I can see. He greiter per cent. pri fic.

Cabinet, indorsed its constitutionality. This is has a most remarkable record here. Whilst he But he has omitted another evidence of “phys- high authority, not adding that of Webster, the maintains this great principle of the right of the ical development”-internal improvement. i sub- “Great Expounder," and Adams, and a host of people of a Territory to establish a constitution mit a table from the census:

Others of like character, in the North. But great for themselves, and either to exclude or to estabmen die as well as small ones. In childhood, I

lish slavery, he, at the same time, refers to the Miles Radrouds, miles Railroads in was taught that

action of 1850, when, he says, the South stood Canal, in operution. construction. Railroads.

under a flag upon which was inscribed that great Ohio........921 2,367 1,578

Both great and small."

principle of popular sovereignty. Sir, it was in Georgia..... 28

I do not stop now to shed tears over the graves

1849 that I firsi took my seal upon this floor, and Ohio ahead..893 1,483 1,133 2,616 of the dead, to descant upon their wisdom, or to

I shall never forget how the gentleman appeared eulogize their virtues. I deal, this morning, with

in the contest of that ever-memorable session, Ohio has, therefore, about three times the amount the living, with their opinions and actions, and

when he acted as the standard-bearer. There of running railroads as Georgia, and only about with questions vital to our national harmony and

stood the State of California knocking at the door thirly.lhree limes the miles of canal! prosperity.

for admission into the Union, with a representaTuere is another sort of development to be con

The Constitution says:

tion here asking seats in this Hall. We had sidered—that of mind. Having taken the gen le. “ Congress shall have power to dispose of, and make all never given to her people even the benefit of a man over our iwo thousand miles of railroads, I needful rules and regulalions respecting, the territory or territorial government, and, in the spirit of manly

other property belonging to the United States." along our canals, through our fertile fields and busy

dignity, they rose up and adopted a constitution workshops, I now invite him to the schools and This I regard as sufficient authority for the for themselves, and sought admission into the colleges, churches, libraries, and prirting offices, I eighth section of the Missouri act, if Congress Confederacy. What happened then? Why where we develop faculties which look less to the

had the power in 1820, it has had it, as it was when an honorable member from Wisconsin (Mr. consequences of l'ime than to the realities of Eter- exercised ever since, and must have it now, to Doty) introduced a resolution instructing the nity. They furnish the best and truest exponents | paus, if it pleases to do so, such a bill as that in- || Committee on the Judiciary to bring in a bill of public intelligence and virtue. iroduced by the gentleman from Indiana.

admitting California-when a majority of Con-
But, Mr. Chairman, as I am always willing to gress were in favor of the admission, too, and
No. of vols. in No. of rols. in

there was no other way to prevent it, except by college libr's. publ'c libr's.

be enlightened, and have great confidence in the Ohio.....


186,126 gentleman from Georgia as a constitutional law. || making rotary motions, such as were resoried to Georgia........


31,788 yer, I desire to ask him whether he believes Con- || by the anti-Nebraska men last session-then it Ohio ahead....

was that, tlırough sleepless nights, the honorable 35,073


gress has power to exclude slavery from a Terri-

member from Georgia paced round these aisles,
No.of public
No. of

Mr. STEPHENS, of Georgia The gentleman waking up his fifteen, or twenty, or thirty men, Schc018. pupils.

Income. knows very well that I have said before, that this for the purpose of preventing the admission of Ohio......... 11,661 481,153

$743 074

question I have never discussed, either here or the State of California. Here is his record. Georgia.... 1,251 32,705


before my constituents. I will, however, take this That is the character of the principle of “popuOhio ahead.... 10,410 351,448 $560,843 occasion to repeat, what I have often said before, lar sovereignty” which was inscribed upon the

that, in my opinion, the government of the Terri- banner which he bore so proudly !
No. of
Average cories devolves primarily upon Congress. But

Mr. STEPHENS. Will the gentleman allow churches, modation. Value. value.

not from that clause of the Constitution cited by me to set him right? Ohio..... 3,936 1,457,294 $5,793,099 $1,471 Georgia........ 1,862

Mr. CAMPBELL. Oh, certainly; I will hear 627,197 1,269,339 679

the gentleman; that has nothing to do with it;

that relates to the disposal of the territory, as what you have to say. Ohio ahead.... 2,074 830,097 $4,523,740 8792 property. The right I speak of is not derived Mr. STEPHENS. When California came

from any express power of the Constitution of here with her constitution prohibiting slavery, I No. of newspapers

No. of the United States, but the duty to govern, or defended her right to form such a constitution

and periodicali. Circulalion, Ohio.


provide governments for them, devolves upon preparatory to her admission into the Union as a Georgia.


ihe General Government, from a sort of result- State. But, at the same time, I was unwilling

ing power. The Constitution itself is silent upon to admit California, while the North-the gen:leOhio ahead......



the subject-there is no express grant or denial man himself amongst others--proclaimed that the These statistics of intelligence show that Ohio

of the power. But, in my opinion, all implied same right to determine the question of slavery

or resulting powers should be exercised under for themselves, which the people of California has twice as many colleges as Georgia, with one hundrel and fifty-four thousand more volumes in her

like limitations and restrictions as those expressly || had exercised, should not be allowed to the people

delegated. And in governing the Territories in of Utah and New Mexico. l opposed the admislibraries!-that she has tenfold the number of

the first instance, or in providing governments sion of California by “dilatory motions" only schools, with three hundred and fifty-one thousand more pupils altending them!—that she has two thou- l stated by the gentleman, and by which a large for them, any such exercise of power as that until I could bring the gentleman and the North

to acknowledge the same principle of “popular



No. of





330 CONG....20 Sess.
Kansas and Nebraska, &c.Mr. Campbell.

Ho, or REPS. sovereignty,” if he chooses so to call it, in behalf acquired from Mexico, and by which the Missouri Mr. CAMPBELL. Not exclusively that, but of the people of Utah and New Mexico. It was lin should run through to the Pacific.

to shownot in denial of the right of the people of Califor- Mr. STEPHENS. It would, sir, based upon Mr. STEPHENS, (interrupting.) Well, sir, nia to do what they had done, that I spent "sleep- the principle of an equitable division of the public I have but a short showing to make in reply to less nights" here, but that I might, in granting that, domain.

the gentleman. We have gone back and undone secure the same principle to Utah and New Mex- Mr. CAMPBELL. I do not make this a matter our work in this matter. He knows, and the ico. Nay, more, I said to the gentleman and to of contest with the gentleman alone. I turn to the country knows that, so far as the Missouri line the North then, that I was willing to extend the Senate. How was it there in relation to the prop- was concerned on the annexation of Texas, (the Missouri compromise line to all the newly acquired osition to admit California ? How did the friends continuation or extension of the old line of 360 Territories, if they would agree to it, but they | of “popular sovereignty." and "squatter sover- 30', excluding slavery from the country north of would not do it.

eignty”-those who claim now to stand upon the thai line, and leaving the people to do as they Mr. CAMPBELL. No. We refused to divide principle that the people have a right to frame please south of it,) that was not a favorite measure and cut in two California, because the people their own constitution as they please—then stand ? either with me or the South, as an original propothere had settled the question for themselves, Why, sir, we find nearly the whole southern dele- sition. It was only as an alternative that it was before Congress exercised its powers over the gation in the Senate of the United States, includ- supported by the South in 1820, when it was at Territory. We believed then, as we believe now, ing Mr. Calhoun himself, in favor of dividing the first established on the application of Missouri that neither the true policy of the Government, State of California by running the line of 360 30 | for admission, and only as an alternative did we nor the spirit in which the Federal Union was through it. And even after the measures called advocate it in 1845 and in 1850. And the gentleformed, required us to provide for the extension “the compromise of 1850” passed, a protest was man (Mr. CAMPBELL) knows that the anti-slavery of slavery. As to the power, we thought if-48 entered on the Journal against the passage of the sentiment, which he represents on this floor, did the gentleman voted in 1845-it justified its exclu- bill admitting California into the Union :-the pro- not agree to it then, never have agreed to it since, sion north of 360 30', it did so south of that line. testants gave as a reason why they opposed its and did not give it their sanction on the annexa

Mr. STEPHENS. Not necessarily. But it admission, that the friends of the measure would tion of Texas. was not a question, sir, of the division of Califor- í not permit them to run that Missouri line through Mr. CAMPBELL. I do not represent the nia—it was a question of settling a territorial prin- California to the Pacific, whereby slavery would anti-slavery sentiment alone. I represent the ciple. We of the South, or at least I and those be excluded on the one side, with a chance to get people of my district. I am a national American, who acted with me, said then, that, whenever the it into the other. That protest was signed by and I come here to legislate for, and protect the Representatives from the North would secure to Messrs. Hunter, of Virginia, Butler and BARN- constitutional rights of all sections of the country. I the citizens of New Mexico and Utah the same WELL, of South Carolina, TURNEY, of Tennessee, cannot appreciate the force of an “alternative" right which the people of California had exer- Soule, of Louisiana, Davis, of Mississippi, which would require me, as a legislator, to supcised, we would not further resist the admis- Atchison, of Missouri, and Morton and YULEE, port a measure that is either “unjust" to any sion of California; and until the North would of Fiorida.

portion of the American people, or “ tantamount agree to that, or some other equitable settle- But, in relation to this question of popular sov- io usurpation. ment, we did resist the admission of California. ereignty, there is another chapter in the record of Mr. STEPHENS. You represent that particEverywhere throughout my State I have defended the gentleman from Georgia, (Mr. Stephens,] ular sentiment at the North which utterly excludes, the right of California to frame her constitution and others, to which I invite their especial atten- or would have excluded, slavery from every State as she pleased; and when the North agreed that tion, and the attention of the country.

and Territory south, as well as north, of 360 30'. Utah and New Mexico should have the same Mr. STEPHENS. What that?

I do not mistake the gentleman. He knows I do right, from that day to this I advocated the whole Mr. CAMPBELL. Texas! Mr. Chairman, not mistake him. He would never, since he has arrangement and settlement.

this proposition of the gentleman from Indiana is been on this floor, vote for the admission of a Mr. CAMPBELL. Mr. Chairman, the whole no new proposition. This power of Congress to single State with a constitution tolerating slavery amount of the gentleman's explanations is this: exclude slavery, and the expediency of excluding south of 360 30', or north of it. He has never, He admits that the people of California had it from the Territories, originated with Jefferson, on this floor, recognized the obligation of the Misadopled for themselves a constitution excluding || in 1784, and was first carried into effect by the souri line of 360 30'never. slavery; and he admits further, that a condition, ordinance of 1787; and it has been exercised by Mr.CAMPBELL, (interrupting.) I would have precedent to her admission, was set up by himself | the various administrations of this Government no objection to the gentleman from Georgia taking and his friends, to wit: that they should be allowed from that day to the present. But I take up the up so much of my little hour as he wishes, if I can to cut a sovereign State in two, and do what? || particular case of Texas annexation.

thereby get a sort of lien, of a few minutes longer, Why, sir, exercise this very power of Congress I read, Mr. Chairman, one of the Texas annex- upon the next hour, and with the notice that I to legislate slavery out of one part of it and into ation resolutions:

will amplify my points in my printed speech. I the other? “Popular sovereignty” was then “ New States, of convenient size, not exceeding four in

do recognize the validity of the eighth section of reduced to dependency on a condition imposed by number, in addition to said State of Texas, and having the Missouri act, and shall so argue when I reach a minority in Congress. sufficient population, may hereafter, by consent of said

that point. Mr. STEPHENS. No, sir.

State, be formed out of the Territory thereof, which shall M. STÉPHENS. Well, sir, only a word or

be entitled to admission under the provisions of the Federal Mr. CAMPBELL. So much for California. Constitution. And such States as may be forned out of that

two more. 1, and the whole South, on the annex. But that is not all.

portion of said Territory lying south of 36° 30' north lati- ation of Texas, were just as much in favor of Mr. STEPHENS. But I say no, sir. The iude, commonly known as the Missouri comproinise line, giving to the people of the Territories, north and

shall be admitted into the Union, with or without slavery, gentleman has entirely misunderstood me. as the people of each State asking admission may desire.

south of 360 30', the right to regulate their own Mr. CAMPBELL. I understood the, gentle- And in such STATE OF STATES as shall be formed out of said

domestic affairs, and form their State constitutions man lo say, that he proposed to run the Missouri territory north of sad Missouri compromise line, slavery as they pleased, as we are now. It was the North compromise line through California; and, as a of involuntary servitude (except for crimes) SHALL BE that insisted upon an exclusion of slavery over matier of course, the principle of that compromise PROHIBITED.

part of the Territory; and, therefore, although it would have excluded slavery from all that part of This resolution embraces the identical language was contrary to my own sentiment on public polthe State lying north of 360°30'.

of the bill of the gentleman from Indiana, which icy, still, as the measure was founded on the prinMr. STEPHENS. The latter part of what has caused this commotion! The gentleman from ciple of an equitable division of the territory bethe gentleman now states I grant. Had the Mis- Missouri (Mr. Oliver) calls it “your pitiful pro- tween the two sections of the country, I gave it souri line been extended, slavery would have been hibition."

Slavery shall be prohibited!—not in my support for peace, for harmony, for love of excluded north of 360 30', with the right of the a Territory-no, sir; not whilst in the territorial Union. That was the ground, I believe, on which people south of that line to do as they please upon forın of government merely; but it provides that the South generally stood. It was not that we the subject. This would have been an exercise even when the people came to frame a State con- approved of it as an original proposition, but as a of the power alluded to by the gentleman, based stitution, they should not have a right to “ decide compromise. That is the way the record was upon the principle of an equitable division of the upon their domestic institutions" for themselves. Territory. But it was no question of “cutting a By this provision the right of the people of the

Mr. CAMPBELL. Why did you not let the Bovereign State in two." California had no sov- Territory was not merely taken from them, but Missouri compromise stand? ereignty as a State until our assent was given; nor even the right of the people to exercise their sov- Mr. STEPHENS. Why did we not ? Because did we in any way propose to trammel ihe pop-. || ereignty as a Stale was iaken away. And who, you of the North utterly abrogated it, and said you ular sovereigntyof her people, in the formation of Mr. Chairman, do we find voting for that prin- would have all south as well as all north. And their constitution, on this subject, by insisting that | ciple? The honorable gentleman from Georgia when this line was swept away in 1850, and rethe same right which we defended in her should himself stood out prominently in the support of || fused to be extended through our late acquisitions, be secured to the people of the other Territories | it. Here is the record! He talks now most elo- then it was that the South was thrown back upon at least south of '360 30', if we could not get it || quently about giving to the people of a Territory her original ground-ground occupied by her at north of it. But we did get it north, as well as and of a State the right to control their own insti- the beginning of the Missouri agitation-and said south, and left it in California depending upon no

tutions! “Go back, sir, before you repeal the that the people should have the right to control condition but the will of the people constitutionally Missouri compromise-go back and undo your their institutions throughout the whole of the expressed.

own work in this matter, if you act consistently country, up to 420. This is what we succeeded Mr. CAMPBELL. I am not mistaken. Your || upon high principles."

in establishing in 1850. And this is the reason course did subject the right of the people of Cali- Mr. STEPHENS. I suppose that the gentle- why we voted to take the restriction off of Kansas fornia to be admitted as a State, under which man from Obio, in this reference to me, as well as and Nebraska, which had been put on in 1820. “ popular sovereignty”had settled the question in to others, has one object in view.

Mr. CAMPBELL. The Missouri line proper, its own way, dependent upon a plan of adjust. Mr. CAMPBELL. Of course I have!

was not "swept away" in 1850. The Missouri ment, by which you would exclude, by act of Mr. STEPHENS. And his only object, I sup- act was untouched until 1854. It was regarded Congress, slavery from a portion of the territories || pose, is to show inconsistencies on my part. as a "finality," after the struggle of 1820, and so

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considered by the authors of the measures of 1850. that field of trouble—it will be full enough without erty to frame their constitutions on this subject as It settled the question for that Territory alone, and

they pleased, but because I desired the acquisiimposed on us no obligations as to subsequent ac- Mr. STEPHENS. The gentleman will find his tion, and considered the security of this right guarquisitions. Besides, you had pledged yourself labor will never pay him when he undertakes to anteed south of the line, in the nature of an to the “ finality” platforms and resolves that the expose my inconsistencies. (Laughter.) Now, equivalent for its exclusion north of it. This was whole question had been settled in 1850.

he says that this resolution, which originally pro- a concession to the North. A compromise for the Mr. STEPHENS. Yes, sir. I considered all hibited slavery in Texas north of 360 30', has sake of harmony and union. And if the North these questions as settled-finally seuiled, “in not been amended or repealed. And he asks why had adhered to this principle, or basis of seutling principle and substance,” by the action of Con- we did not undo this work before we repealed the this territorial controversy between the sections, I gress in 1850. By that action, the people in the Missouri restriction or compromise, as he called should never have disturbed it. But when they Territories were to be left without congressional | it. Why, sir, in 1850, when the gentleman was refused to recognize it, we of the South were restriction in the formation of their constitutions- a member of this House, the new Mexican bill thrown back upon our original principles. This, this is what was carried out in the Nebraska bill. was passed, though not with the aid of his vote or at least, is my position; and if ihere be inconsist

Mr. CAMPBELL. The originators of the influence; and in that bill there is an express pro- ency in it the gentleman may make the most of measures of 1850 did not think that they were vision that the people north of the line of 360 30' || it he can. disturbing the old settlement of 1820. Besides, in Texas should come into this Union with or Mr. CAMPBELL. I have no ambition to there is a wide difference, in my opinion, between without slavery, according as the people may establish the gentleman's inconsistency, per se. ! the principles of the act of 1850 and the Nebraska determine when they come to frame their State con- started out to discuss a principle of conslitutional act. By the Utah and New Mexico acts the old stitution. The restriction on that part of Texas power, and sought to fortify myself by the opinMexican law excluding slavery is not expressly which was put on in 1845, on the basis of a divi- ion of the gentleman. He declined to give it, and repealed, and slavery cannot, therefore, lawfully sion of the l'erritory, was taken off in 1850, when I have been searching his record for it—that's all. exist there. You claim it to be otherwise now, in the principle of division was abandoned.

I regret that the honorable gentleman does not Kansas, under the act organizing that Territory. Mr. CAMPBELL. I regret that the gentleman give a better reason for the position he has taken.

Mr. STEPHENS. I considered, in 1850, that does not give a better explanation. He does not I can admire his devotion to the Union. I love it, the measures then passed did do away with the relieve himself from my point. If this Texas res- too. But if I believed that, under the Constitusettlement of 1820. And the principle established olution was not unconstitutional, it would follow, tion of my country, which I am sworn to supin 1850 was, that the people were to settle the from his own admissions, that it was an act "lan- port, the people in our Territories had this right, question of slavery for themselves, and be admit- | lamount to usurpation" upon the people of part of or that Congress would be guilty of a gross act of ted into the Union either with it, or without it, as Texus, although he may have voted a remedy in usurpation upon popular rights to take it from they please.

1850. The act of 1850 did not remove the pro- them, no compromise to save ten thousand such Mr. CAMPBELL. I have the authority of viso from all of Texas.

Unions as ours, could induce me to violate the southern Senalors and Representatives, most

Mr. STEPHENS. Mr. Chairman, have I ever solemnities of that oath. No, never! prominent in what is called the " adjustment of said that such a measure was unconstitutional ? Mr. STEPHENS, of Georgia. The gentleman 1850, for saying that they did not, by those acts, Mr. CAMPBELL. The gentleman did not does not mean to say, or intimate, that I ever held, contemplate any disturbance of the Missouri say anything on the point of constitutionality. under the solemnities of an oath, or otherwise, seltiement. The radical difference between us That is the trouble-his non-commitalism. I have that Congress had not the power rightfully to is this: the gentleman thinks the Constitution for two or three years tried to get the gentleman pass any measure I ever voted for? or that any authorizes, allows, or permits the extension of to put himself on the record, and to give his opin- measure' I ever voted for was a gross act of usurp, slavery; I think it was made to leave slavery to ions on this great subject, whether Congress has ation upon popular rights? be managed exclusively by the States in which it the power to exclude slavery from the Territories; Mr. CAMPBELL. I do not say or intimate existed, as a local institution, and to pledge the but I have never been able to get them, and he more than I prove by your record here; but I Federal Government, as the preamble asserts, admits his constituents are equally unfortunate. have sought, as I said before, for two or three to form “a more perfect union, establish justice, Last session I puç the question, and gave him my years, to get the opinion of the distinguished geninsure domestic tranquillity, provide for the common

time to answer. He gave me Chatham's reply. || ileman upon this constitutional point placed plainly defense and general welfare, and secure the blessings I have put it again to-day, and he tells us again upon record; and the House will bear me witness of LIBERTY to ourselves and posterity ! what Lord Chatham said.

to-day, that I have sought, and sought it in vain. I brought this matter of Texas up, Mr. Chair- Mr. STEPHENS. Very well, then, Mr. Mr. STEPHENS. The result, then, of the man, not merely for the purpose of showing that Chairman, if the gentleman has never got me to gentleman's efforts to unravel and expose my inthe gentleman and his friends had exercised the say that it is unconstitutional, where is my in- | consistencies, has ended in his entanglement in his power here over the Territories, but that they had consistency?

own web. He set out with asking me a question. done so under the solemnities of their oaths to sup- Mr. CAMPBELL. I will tell the gentleman. He was not satisfied with my answer, but assumed port the Constitution, over the people of a sovereign His inconsistency is marked by his declaration that my opinions were such as suited him; then Stale. The Constitution has not been changed here to-day, that he has always been for this great works himself up to a high strain of fervid declasince 1845—not at all. By his vote a part of the principle of leaving the people to settle this ques- mation because he can find nothing in the record people of the State of Texas are prevented from en- tion for themselves; and I have shown, by his inconsistent with what I have ever said or done; joying an institution which, he says, is best calcu- Texas annexation vote, that such were not his and now ends where he began, with wanting a lated to develop the rich agricultural resources of sentiments in 1845. I submit to him whether that more explicit answer to his first question. a country. Why did the gentleman from Georgia does not look very like inconsistency?

Mr. CAMPBELL. There is no "entanglenot move to amend that joint resolution of annex- Now, Mr. Chairman, this is not the result of ment," no " web,” that troubles me; nothing but ation by striking out that provision? No“squat- unkindness on my part toward the gentleman. If the mist occasioned by the gentleman's declining ter sovereignty” member of the House, or of the there is a man on this floor for whom I have de. a direct answer to the fair question with which I Senate, opened his mouth at the time they were sired, in our six years' service together, to cherish “set out.”. His confessed evasion drove me to passed, in favor of taking from the annexation feelings of personal kindness, on terms of honora- an exploration of the record of his votes. I think resolutions that provision. It was introduced by ble reciprocity, it is the distinguished gentleman I have found him just where a German farmer boy, Senator Douglas, the ostensible author of the from Georgia.

in my district, found the stray colt that his father Nebraska bill, and voted for by Senator Archio Mr. STEPHENS. Will the gentleman from sent him out to catch. He pursued him down the son, (who, in his reported speech in Kansas,) Ohio yield me the floor for a moment?

meanders of a crooked stream—first here, and then claims to have filed a " caveat” upon the glory of

Mr: CAMPBELL. Of course I will; as many there. He finally brought him back to the barnthe measure, and tendered, as the fee, the Presi. as you wish.

yard, announcing to the old gentleman the particdency of the Senate.

Mr. STEPHENS. Only for a moment. I duly | ular place where he had caught him, thus: "Vell, Mr. STEPHENS. I dislike very much to in. appreciate the gentleman's feelings of personal I finds him on poth sides of the creek !" terrupt the gentleman from Ohio, but as he is a kindness, and have fully reciprocated them. But I will now read the names of those “squatter candidate for the Presidency, his inquiries ought he says that my inconsistency is marked by my sovereignty "gentlemen-members of this House not, perhaps, to be permitted to pass without no- declarations here to-day, that I have always been from the South-who voted for that which would tice. ' In reply to what he says about that feature in favor of leaving the people of the Territories be now stigmatized as the “ Wilmot proviso in its in the Texas annexation resolutions which ex- | everywhere, to settle the question of slavery for most odious form,” in the Texas annexation resocluded slavery, I wish to say

themselves, without congressional restriction, and lutions: Mr. CAMPBELL, (interrupting.) The gen. yet I voted for the Texas annexation resolutions, Georgia-Edward J. Black, Alexander H. Ştetleman from Georgia is mistaken, and, by such whereby slavery was to be excluded over part of phens, Hugh A. Haralson, John H. Lumpkin, taunts, might trespass upon my courtesy: I am that country. And he submits to me whether | Howell Cobb, and William H. Stiles. a candidate for no office-seek none in man's I do not think this looks very like inconsist- South Carolina--James A. Black, Richard F. gift! I have been sent here against my personal ency? I tell him, frankly and respectfully, no. Simpson, Armistead Burt, Isaac E. Holmes, and desires, for the purpose of helping to expose these I have, upon all occasions, said that I was in favor R. Barnwell Rhett. fallacies and inconsistencies of the gentleman and

of the principles this day advocated on this subject, North Carolina—Thomas L. Clingman, Daniel others, and to serve, as well as I can, our com- as an original question. In 1845 I could not get the M. Barringer, David S. Reid, Edmund Deberry, mon country. So help me God I will discharge North to agree to adopt them over the whole of Romulus M. Saunders, James J. McKay, John the duty without regard to consequences.

Texas, but enough of them did as to a part, to secure R. Daniel, and Archibald H. Arrington. Mr. STEPHENS. The gentleman will pardon the passage of the measure upon the basis of a Mississippi- Jacob Thompson. my allusion to his candidacy for the Presidency. division of the Territory on the line of 36° 30'. I LouisianaJohn Slidell, Alcee Labranche, and I have seen his name mentioned in the papers- voted for that measure, not because I did not J.B. Dawson.

Mr. CAMPBELL, (in his seat.) I thank the believe it right that the people everywhere, north Missouri-Gustavus M. Bower, James B. Bow. papers for the compliment. I am no aspirant in ll of 36° 30', as well as south of it, should be at lib- ll lin, James H. Relfe, and James M. Hughes.

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