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cess, the reverse of that which of old took | sanctions the dictates of Nature, and might

place in the case of demoniacal possession, at once fills and animates the new-landed foreigner, who may avail himself of the privileges they confer with the spirit and feelings of a true son of the soil, and with as warm an attachment to it as that felt by those who have grown up upon itwhose ancestors settled and defended it, and the bones of whose kindred repose in its hallowed and parental bosom. The slang and sophisms which the demagogues and politicians of the day (most of whom have sprung from the bar) habitually deal in, the quibbling refinements with which they have familiarized the people, have at length accustomed the latter to listen with patience, and a truly philosophical tolerance, while the plainest truths are questioned, or wantonly trifled with, and the most natural and sacred feelings of the human breast are treated as mere spurious emotions, or the offspring of educational bias and illiberal prejudice. They have yet farther been led, if we may trust to the report of one of their favorite oracles, "solemnly to disown, reject, fling to the ground, and trample upon with scorn, a sentiment, which even the savage feels and knows how to appreciate, which he draws in with his mother's milk-a sentiment which teaches him that the country of his birth should ever be dearer to, and has a stronger claim upon him, than any other. The Christian also, who believes the institution of marriage to be of divine ordination, knows, even better than the patriot, that religion here hallows and

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well inquire, "What manner of men are these, who teach a new doctrine”—who regard the sacred Noces by which their parents were united, and to which they owe their being, as having been a mere accidental affair, or casual liaison, which, viewed with a proper freedom from prejudice, creates no binding tie between them and the country of their birth, or-"the land which the Lord their God giveth them." The Evening Post, as we have understood, is under the conduct of more than one editor. This we should otherwise have been led to suppose, for we could not be easily induced to believe that the paragraphs on which we have been commenting, and which wear so much of a foreign air, proceeded from the pen of Mr. Bryant, whose writings glow with the ardor, and breathe the true fires of patriotism and poetry, and whose name is so immortally associated with the fame and literary glory of his country. We venture once more to repeat, that the establishment of an intellectual independence, founded on an indigenous literature, reflecting the national mind, and marked by an original spirit and character, is as essential to the greatness of a people as any other attribute of glory and power, and is an object, therefore, which should be aimed at by a free and high-spirited nation, however difficult its accomplishment may be, and even where its achievement may appear, or be pronounced to be, an Utopian undertaking.



Prospect of Difficulties with France.

densed from the REPUBLIC.)

(Con-, U. S. Blockading Squadron, off Vera Cruz, assisted to rescue the French barque, Eugenie, from shipwreck on a reef, at the request of her captain. On putting in his claim for a salvage, it was refused by the captain. After detaining the vessel thirty hours, Commander Carpender restored the vessel, abandoning his claim his conduct was approved by Mr. Clifford, the American Minister.

THE present prospect of our affairs in regard to France is truly unpleasant. Major Poussin, the Minister of the French Republic, has been actually dismissed by the President, and his passports tendered to him. The effect upon the stock market was immediately apparent on the knowledge of this fact, in Washington-U. S. securities fell from one half to one per cent., and other stocks in proportion. The circumstances of Major Poussin's dismission are said to be as follows.

During the Mexican war, a Frenchman in Mexico, named Port, purchased a quantity of tobacco, which had been seized and sold as private property, and therefore subject to the rules of war, by the agents of the American army. Col. Childs caused the tobacco to be restored to its proper owner, and the purchase money to be refunded to Port;-Col. Childs was confirmed in this action, after the fact, by a commission of the army and by Gen. Scott; the matter rested for a time, but in February the French Minister laid before Mr. Buchanan, then Secretary of State, a claim, in behalf of Port, for damages, amounting to the difference of the price at which he had bought and that for which he had sold the tobacco. A court of inquiry was convened, Col. Childs examined, and the claim of Port unanimously rejected, as without foundation. Before this decision had been confirmed by the State Department, Mr. Buchanan went out of office. In answer to a note of inquiry from the French Minister, Mr. Clayton examined and affirmed the decision. A correspondence ensued. Major Poussin replied in a very haughty tone, declaring that Col. Childs had perjured himself on his examination, and had acted from the basest motives. He also used offensive expressions in regard to the action of the American Government. Major Poussin was, in consequence, sent for to Washington, and on calling at the State Department was informed that, as a special favor, he was at liberty to withdraw or to modify his letter, or to replace it in the archives of the department, as he might see fit. On being refused permission to argue the matter, which would have been a breach of etiquette, Major Poussin withdrew the letter and erased some of its most offensive expressions.

Again. During the Mexican war Commander Carpender, of the war-steamer Iris, of the

The French Captain, however, complained of his detention, and Major Poussin addressed a note to the Secretary of State, advising the government to see that justice was done in general, in all such cases, and, in this particular instance, demanding the punishment, in some way, of Commander Carpender, for the supposed insult to the flag of France. Mr. Clayton referred the matter to Mr. Preston, Secretary of the Navy, who procured a detailed statement of the facts, which was transmitted to the French Minister, accompanied with a note from Mr. Clayton expressing the hope that it would appear to the French Government that no offence was intended. Instead, however, of submitting these papers to his government, Major Poussin wrote a letter to the Secretary of State, in which he characterized, in highly offensive terms, the action of the department, and said that he was sorry to find the American Government so utterly insensible to the dignity, and so ignorant of the interest of its marine service, as it has shown itself to be, in this transaction.

The whole correspondence was transmitted, by direction of the President, to Mr. Rush, our Minister at the French Court, with instructions to lay it before that government, under the idea that immediate reparation would be made. M, de Tocqueville, however, the French Minister for Foreign Affairs, addressed a despatch to Mr. Rush, stating that the French Executive saw no occasion for its action, and that there had evidently been unnecessary recrimination and marked faults on both sides; they directly inculpating our Government.

President Taylor, on receiving this despatch, directed all correspondence with the French Minister to be suspended, and ordered his passports to be at once made out and placed at his disposal. At the same time, the Secretary of State, under President Taylor's direction, wrote to Mr. Rush to inform M. de Tocqueville that his opinion on the conduct of the American Government had not been solicited; that ac

tion, and not criticism, had been expected from I have roused excessive jealousy and indignation him; and that Major Poussin's passports were already made out.

Nothing has as yet appeared which indicates a design on the part of France to quarrel with America; and yet, if Louis Napoleon sees fit to retain M. de Tocqueville in office, and no explanation is made by M. de Tocqueville or by his government, it will suspend amicable intercourse between the two Governments for a time at least; though it is by no means to be esteemed a cause of war. The affair, however, will be taken up, no doubt, by the Government presses in Paris, and the French nation roused to a feeling of animosity. The correspondent of the Courier and Enquirer, from whom these facts have been taken, states that information reached this country some months ago, from the very highest source, that if France should engage in any war it would be neither with Austria nor Russia, but with the United States. Louis Napoleon may very well be supposed to have adopted the policy of nearly all French usurpers, of directing the attention of the nation upon a foreign war in order to divert it from domestic affairs. It would be a bold stroke of policy could France be committed against Republicanism as a nation, by engaging her in a war with America. It is hardly possible to conceive a step more congenial to the spirit of reaction, or of the present understanding between Austria, Russia, France, and the monarchical parties in England and Prussia. Whether such a war would be desired by England is doubtful; its effects, under her present system of public economy, will be in part, at least, injurious. If England has conspired with Louis Napoleon and with the German despotisms for the promotion of the war with America, it will be understood, at least, why she has so freely abolished her navigation laws. Looking to the destruction or temporary suppression of the American commerce, by the united fleets of France, England, and Russia, she will by that measure have secured to herself, for a time, at least, the conveying trade of all the world. Under the present difficulties of communication with the Pacific coast, France could, at a blow, wrest from us our new possessions in California, and will at the same time cut off our Mediterranean commerce and our China trade,

That France has good diplomatic reasons for engaging in a war with America there cannot be a doubt; the constant correspondence that is maintained between the radical parties in both countries has drawn the attention of all Europe upon America as the true centre and well-spring of democracy. Nothing, therefore, could more effectually suppress Republicanism in Europe than to enlist the national sympathies of the French and German people against America. The ambitious designs of our people upon Cuba, Mexico, and South America,

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in England and in Europe. A thousand pretences may easily be framed, if necessary, as reasons of war. There has long been a feeling, openly expressed, by a large and influential body of the American press, that America ought to interfere in favor of Republicanism in Europe; these expressions are taken as a token of national hostility. In England there has been a steady effort, for many years, by those two most violent and unprincipled periodicals, the Times newspaper and Blackwood's Magazine, to inspire contempt and hatred for America in the minds of the English. Mercantile jealousy, the most potent cause of war, was perhaps never more active than at this moment in England. The favorable operation of our tariff has made us nearly independent of English skill and capital in manufactures. The establishment of a railroad to the Pacific will compel the commerce of Europe to pass over and enrich our territories. In population we are, perhaps, the equals, or nearly the equals of Great Britain; our annual products exceed by some $200,000,000 the annual products of Great Britain, and by some $400,000,000 those of France. Intense must be the commercial jealousy of England and France in regard to American enterprise, protected by the spirit of American Republicanism, when they see the population of America fast advancing to an equality of numbers with their own, and surpassing them in productive and warlike energy. The old governments having exhausted themselves, and incurred the danger of bankruptcy during the recent revolutions, will think it a favorable opportunity for retrieving their affairs, could they form a combination for excluding and suppressing the commerce of America, and confining her energies within her own limits.

M. Raspail, Minister of Finance, read lately before the Assembly a statement of the present situation of the Treasury; he showed that the deficit had gone on steadily increasing for the last ten years. The revolution of February has increased the expenditure of 1848 by 265,000,000f., had diminished the proceeds of indirect taxation by 150,000,000f., the additional tax of 45 per cent. not covering the deficit. He estimated the deficit for 1850, January 1st, would exceed 550,000,000f. He fixed the expenditure for 1850 at 1,590,000,000f.; the receipts estimated at 1,270,000,000f., leaving a deficit of 320,000,000f. unprovided for by any species of taxation.

To cover this deficiency, the Minister asks for a loan of 200,000,000f., to annul the reserve of the sinking fund, to create new taxes, and to issue Treasury bonds for the amount which may be required for the public works.

A bill of nineteen articles was passed, for rendering the collection of duties less onerous, and for amending the financial provisions of

The debate

the Constituent Assembly. This bill regulated | sooner; that Venice and the Milanese might the taxes for 1850, and was passed by a large majority.

On the day after this followed a discussion on the Papal question, and the intervention at Rome. M. Arnaud spoke against the intervention, and in favor of the revolution in Rome; while, at the same time, he defended Catholicism, and the spiritual Papacy, in the name of Democracy.

M. De Tocqueville, who is Minister of Foreign Affairs, regretted the discussion, but defended the intervention; he explained his instructions given to Messrs. Raynaval and d'Harcourt, the ambassadors; he had told them to maintain the legitimate influence of France in Italy, to establish the freedom of the Pope, and finally to guard against the return of Papal abuse; he had written to the French diplomatist at Rome, that Rome should not be treated as a conquered city, the object of the intervention having been to relieve it from the oppression of foreigners; he had directed him to consult the wishes and the wants of the population, to establish muni. cipal administrations, to prevent violent reactions, to secure to the Roman people liberal institutions, and to occupy Rome until further orders. He added, that France notified all the great powers of Europe, that she was not actuated by a spirit of conquest, but that it was necessary for her to secure her due preponderance in Italy; that had she allowed Austria to adjust, alone, the Italian question, those very men who reviled the Cabinet, would be the first to denounce its indolence; he refuted the calumnies directed against the French army; he could not find, in history, a more extraordinary spectacle than that afforded by the moderation of that army after it had captured Rome. M. De Tocqueville, whose Republican sentiments are well known, contended that the Roman Republic was a Reign of Terror, and that in destroying it, the French had vindicated liberty itself; that the temporal power of the Pope was essential to his independence, modified, indeed, by liberal institutions, which he could pledge himself His Holiness would grant. In the course of the debate, M. Jules Fabre attacked the Government, and hotly condemned the intervention; he insisted that the Roman people had not called for it.

The Minister of Public Instruction read despatches showing that three thousand strangers (Lombards and others) had entered Rome under the order of Mazzini; that the prisoners made by the French were Lombards from Genoa; that the resistance was not only from the degraded population of Rome in part, but from the débris of the revolutions. He said that it was Rome and Catholicism which dispelled the darkness of the middle ages-a remark certainly in an unfortunate juxtaposition with his last. M. De Falloux contended that the fault committed by the Government was in not acting

have been rescued from Austria. ended in mutual accusations.

Among the names of Representatives to be brought to trial for the affair of June 13th, are those of Ledru Rollin, Considerant, Boichet, and Felix Pyat. True bills have been found against fourteen persons implicated in the affairs of the Haut Rhin. Prosecutions are sustained, and everywhere go on briskly.

Lyons being in a state of siege, General Gemeau has closed five shops opened by associations of united operatives for the sale of food. Incendiary newspapers are uniformly suppressed.

The President, Louis Napoleon, is making the tour of the provinces; is well received by the people, and speaks to them with confidence. He said to the people of Tours, that there is no opportunity for insurrections; that they will be repressed as soon as they commence. At Saumur he was well received, and when the Mayor proposed his health as Louis Napoleon, there were loud calls for the addition of the name of Bonaparte. The President has not been yet nine months in office, but in that short time has gained wonderfully in power and popularity.

M. Girardin, the editor of "La Presse," has published a draft of a Constitution to be brought forward in 1852. This Constitution is as follows:-"It announces the Republic; it establishes all rights admitted by the previous Constitution; it proposes an annual election, by direct and universal suffrage, of an Assembly, to meet on the first of May, every year; the entire administrative and executive power to be in a President; he is to choose his own ministry, and to remain in office as long as he retains the confidence of the majority, that confidence to be expressed by a special vote of the majority, and by the annual vote of supplies; all taxes to be levied by the National Assembly; usurpation to be checked by the refusal of the taxes." M. Girardin's plan would end, of course, in a perpetual Presidency, a dictatorship, and an empire.

The problem to be solved by French statesmen is to defend the liberties of the provinces against the aggressions of the central power; and this can, perhaps, be done in no other way than by the interposition of a senatorial body elected by the Legislative Assemblies of the provinces, to act as a mediatorial and conservative power between the Assembly of popular representatives and the President himself. That such a body will ever be established, is, at least, doubtful; but there seems to be no alternative between that and a monarchy.

In the last number of the Consilleur du Peuple, M. de Lamartine publishes the following comments on the President of the Republic:-"I had no personal acquaintance with the President whom the nation has placed at the

head of the executive power. I fancied him such as my republican prejudices, and the faults of youth, which he himself nobly avowed and condemned the other day in sight of his ancient prison of Ham, made me fear him on account of my country-namely, unsteady, agitating, ambitious, impatient to reign. I was once more deceived; years had matured him; reflection had enlightened him; adversity had purified him. The walls of a prison are, as it were, the hot-houses of a soul; they dry up the flowers, they ripen the fruits. I have seen, I have read, I have listened to, I have observed, I have since known the President of the Republic, and I owe it to truth to declare, that I have seen in him a man equal to his duty towards the country, a statesman possessed of a coup d'œil just and calm, of a good heart, great good sense, a sincere honesty of intention, and a modesty which shrouds the glare, but not the light. I say this because I think it. I have no motive to flatter him. I have nothing to expect from him. I have, during my career, often refused-I have never asked for anything. But I believe that the Republic is fortunate, and that it has found a man when it only sought for a name. Providence has certainly interfered in the ballot which decided in his election."

England.-The Slave Trade.

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Lord Palmerston's interference has drawn from Austria an apology for the war against Hungary. Lord Palmerston, it appears, admitted that the maintenance of the power and integrity of Austria was an European, and especially an English interest, and that there the Hungarian question was of vital importance, for the preservation of the balance of power in Europe. This doctrine of the balance of power, it might seem, should be a favorite one with England, since to preserve her own immense and overwhelming interest, by which she affects the destiny of two-thirds of the habitable globe, it is politic for her to allow no single power to gather force upon the Continent, but to maintain among them all an equilibrium of weakness. But let us hear the Austrian official. He says, "The separation of Hungary must have disturbed this balance, and the only object of Russia is to redress it." It seems then that Russia too, the third power in importance, after England and the United States, is deeply interested in the Balance of Power. This is a comedy upon a vast scale, with tragic conse quences. Russia, to preserve the Balance of Power, annihilates Poland, pours armies into Circassia, absorbs the large part of Northern Asia, grasps at Turkey, and invades Hungary. England, on her side, to preserve the Balance of Power, usurps the freedom of her colonies, unsuccessfully, indeed, grasps at the entire West Indies, wishes to be the sole sovereign of the South Seas, and founds a despotism in Asia. The United States of America, who, though they have not yet learned the phrase "Balance of Power," yet are beginning to practice upon the principle-aim at the posses sion of the entire continent, and declare that the Balance of Power shall be preserved in the New World by the enterprise and valor of the Anglo-Saxon race.

It is now proved, beyond a doubt, that either the slave trade cannot be suppressed by the naval power of England, or that that power has not been sufficiently active in the performance of its duty. From statistics taken from the Foreign Office by the Times newspaper, and quoted from the Times by the New York Tribune, it appears that the number of slaves exported has increased pretty regularly since 1840, from more than 64,000 in that year, to more than 84,000 in the year 1847. The number captured by cruisers varying, through all these years, between about 6000 and 3000 a year. It is computed that the number exported from the African coast in 1848 will not fall far short of a hundred thousand, and be- But, to be serious,-what can be more evitween 6000 and 7000, only six and a half perdent than that it is the true policy of constitucent. have been captured by the squadrons.

The fluctuations of the slave trade depend upon fluctuations in the price of sugar, as the following table will show :

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tional England to raise up constitutional Hungary between herself and Russia? Had not Hungary been destroyed, she might have become the friend and ally of England, and per haps of France, against the Eastern despotisms, -against Prussia, Austria and Russia! and we make bold to say that the Envoy of a Lord Chatham or of a Cromwell would not have been allowed to make such concessions to the infamous pretexts of Austria and Russia, as Lord Palmerston has made. It appears that Lord Palmerston expressed the opinion that the nonMagyar races of Hungary had united with the Magyars in a national feeling, to which the Austrian official replies, we think, correctly, that it was a Magyar enthusiasm which carried

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