nity to secure it. It is, moreover, now fully proved, that nothing but the councils and guarantee of England, can give repose to that unfortunate country, and at a future period, preserve it. Considerations of the moment, induced us, as it were, to turn our backs on exertions, which we could not but respect; and independent of other circumstances, the governments of the various sections, have been of so fluctuating a nature, as rather to decrease, than inspire confidence in the ministers of England. But, this is not the fault of the cause, in which Spanish America has embarked. Her inhabitants now fight in defence of the most just and honest rights, as well as in the most holy cause, in which the sword was ever drawn. Though, in some instances, they have been the dupes of individual ambition, and in others, the tools of blind fanaticism; this, however, is no stigma on their general undertaking. It is not, on this account, less virtuous and less honourable, nor has it been from principle or conviction, that England has been ashamed of the means employed to carry it through. It is not because the powers of Europe, have given them no sympathetic aid, that they have not deserved it. Every nation, that has, hitherto, sought to throw off the shackles of oppressive dependence, has found support, in one way or another. Without it, perhaps, their own attempts would have been frustrated. We have had before us the examples of Switzerland, Holland, the United States, &c. Not that I would urge the government of England to act towards Spain, as she did to us, during the North American struggle. No, the order of the present day, is generosity and magnanimity; and instead of separating, I would aid to connect the ultramarine provinces still

closer to Spain; but I would see, that the bond was rational and just, and capable of giving to an extensive and diversified continent, the means of its own happiness and prosperity. Having said this, my reader, may, perhaps, wish me to say more. The subject before me, is almost inexhaustible; and although I have already swelled my volume to double the limits I at first proposed, I am, nevertheless, involuntarily impelled to hazard a few speculations, on what I consider the best means of giving permanent quiet, happiness, and prosperity to Spanish Columbia, in a way consistent with the honour and dignity of Spain, and the interests of the rest of the world.

§ All legislators have agreed, that a body of political laws, to be sound and durable, must, in all countries, grow out of the character, situation, and habits of a people; they must be adapted to their peculiarities, and incorporated with their customs and usages. To establish a government on any other grounds, were to destroy the salutary effects it was intended to promote, and to prepare materials for the constant return of anarchy and confusion. In considering, therefore, what species of government, is best adapted and most suitable to the state of society in Spanish America, it is necessary to examine its component parts, the general stages of mental improvement to which it has arrived, as well as the climate, and the leading features of the inhabitants.

The Spanish Americans, in general, cannot be said to have received any other political education, than that which agrees with the establishment of a monarchy. In vain, should we there seek for that essential union of circumstances, which is necessary for the formation of a Republic. The principles of democracy, implicate many

complex, and some highly refined ideas, neither suited to the taste, nor within the general comprehension of a class of inhabitants, so backward in every species of literature, as are all the lower orders of the continent to which I allude. Its forms, also, are too simple for a nation, so long accustomed to pomp, pageantry, and show; of consequence, its adoption would be incongruous, where the habits and customs are so opposed, where public virtue does not abound, and where, in short, the political education is not congenial. The Mexicans, more than any other people of America, are accustomed to see the chief authority, surrounded by the show and parade of courts, and would not, easily, be reconciled to the simplicity and moderation of any opposite form. Any other species of government, or any other principles, would not therefore, be consonant to their wishes, or accord with their habits; and it is generally allowed, that all governmental establishments, to be lasting, require the support of public opinion, for this has ever considered as the firmest basis, as well as the strongest sanction of moral law.

To effect a revolution in the governing systems of Spanish America, consequently, can never be completed with success, unless the laws, and also the manners and customs of the people, are made congenial to the new order of things. If the old ones remain, they will continually clash; at each moment, they will be remembered and regretted, and should a favourable opportunity occur, a restoration would be sought, by those most immediately interested, and whom the change had most materially affected. At once to alter the laws, manners, customs, and habits of the people of that country, firm and

deep-rooted as they are, is a work too dangerous and too gigantic, to be accomplished, but by a series of years, and by the preparation of a successive generation. A Republican form of government, would, under the prevalence of opinions they could not discard, sit awkwardly on the shoulders of the Spanish Americans, and they would, continually, sigh for its removal. The histories of England and France, afford two striking instances, to bear me out in the truth of the above assertions. On the restoration of Charles II, the Republican form of government expired, without a groan, and was changed, without a struggle; because the usages, laws, and manners of the people, had been left untouched, and that interval had produced a forced and dishabitual state of things. The instance in France, has been recently before our eyes, and does not require comment. In countries, therefore, where education and principles are so much opposed, democracy cannot prevail, unless established and sup`ported by a force, capable of insuring subjection.

One material impediment to the establishment of a democracy in Mexico, at least, is the great disparity of fortunes amongst the inhabitants of that kingdom. Humboldt tells us, that besides the advantages of population, New Spain has still another very important one, which arises from the enormous mass of capitals in the possession of the proprietors of mines, and in the hands of persons retired from trade. The absence of a monarch, would tend to give an undue preponderance to the influence of this rich class of citizens, and produce a tyrannical aristocracy, the worst of all governments. Besides, if in the form of government, it should be found necessary to give any share to the inferiour classes, in order to guard

against the inconvenience just stated, it might be feared, for the want of this third power destined to produce and to support the political equilibrium, that the struggle between these two opposite parties, would be attended by the most fatal consequences, and eventually, end in anarchy. In New Spain, there are a great number of persons who hold titles, immunities and distinctions, the whole of which class, would, consequently, be opposed to any new order of things, which might tend to level and confound them with the other classes of the community. It is for this reason, that they stand neuter in the present struggle.

The formidable influence of the clergy over every part of the population, and especially over the Indians, who constitute the inferiour class of New Spain (there being few blacks in the country), has never been so strongly demonstrated as in the present events and revolutions of Spanish America. It may easily be imagined, that they would not be favourable to a governmental structure of a republican form, as it sooner or later, would reduce their ascendency to very narrow limits; whereas, should they be enabled to withstand encroachments aimed against them, in the reverse of the case, and in the course of time, the clergy would, themselves, become the administrators of law. For example, supposing the Indians of New Spain, or of any other section, are allowed a part in the general body of the representatives, proportioned to their numbers, an act of justice, it would not be possible to prevent, as they would, consequently, elect ecclesiastics, from their greater influence and talents, the number of the latter, would, in that case, form a third or more of the whole body of dele