whatever character, or attributable to what- | nations of the world, Canada would become The advantages claimed for that arrange- | Statesmen, the public sentiments of the Empire, ever source. In appealing to our FellowColonists to unite with us in this, our most needful duty, we solemnly conjure them, as they desire a successful issue, and the welfare of their country, to enter upon the task, at this momentous crisis, in the same fraternal spirit. The reversal of the ancient policy of Great Britain, whereby she withdrew from the Colonies their wonted protection in her markets, has produced the most disastrous effects upon Canada. In surveying the actual condition of the country, what but ruin or rapid decay meets the eye! Our Provincial Government and Civic Corporations embarrassed; our Banking and other securities greatly depreciated; our Mercantile and Agricultural interests alike unprosperous; Real Estate scarcely saleable upon any terms; our unrivalled Rivers, Lakes and Canals almost unused; while Commerce abandons our shores, the circulating capital amassed under a more favorable system is dissipated, with none from any quarter to replace it!!-Thus, without available capital, unable to effect a loan with Foreign States or with the Mother Country, although offering security greatly superior to that which readily obtains money both from the United States and Great Britain, when other Colonies are the applicants. Crippled, therefore, and checked in the full career of private and public enterprise, this possession of the British Crown-our country-stands before the world in humiliating contrast with its immediate neighbors, exhibiting every symptom of a nation fast sinking to decay. With superabundant water-power and cheap labor, especially in Lower Canada, we have yet no domestic manufactures; nor can the most sanguine, unless under altered circumstances, anticipate the home growth, or advent from foreign parts, of either capital or enterprise to embark in this great source of national wealth. Our institutions, unhappily, have not that impress of permanence which can alone impart security, and inspire confidence; and the Canadian market is too limited to tempt the foreign capitalist. While the adjoining States are covered with a net-work of thriving railways, Canada possesses but three lines, which, together, scarcely exceed 50 miles in length, and the stock in two of which is held at a depreciation of from 50 to 80 per cent.-a fatal symptom of the torpor overspreading the land. Our present form of Provincial Govern ment is cumbrous and so expensive as to be ill-suited to the country; and the necessary reference it demands to a distant Government, imperfectly acquainted with Canadian affairs, and somewhat indifferent to our interests, is anomalous and irksome. Yet, in the event of a rupture between two of the most powerful the battle-field, and the sufferer, however little her interests might be involved in the cause of quarrel or the issue of the contest. The bitter animosities of political parties and factions in Canada, often leading to violence, and upon one occasion to civil war, seems not to have abated with time; nor is there, at the present moment, any prospect of diminution or accommodation. The aspect of parties becomes daily more threatening towards each other, and under our existing institutions and relations, little hope is discernible of a peaceful and prosperous administration of our affairs, but difficulties will, to all appearance, accumulate until Government becomes impracticable. In this view of our position, any course that may promise to efface existing party distinctions and place entiely new issues before the people, must be fraught with undeniable advantages. Among the Statesmen of the Mother Country-among the sagacious observers of the neighboring Republic-in Canada-and all British North America-among all classes, there is a strong pervading conviction that a political revolution in this country is at hand. Such forbodings cannot readily be dispelled, and they have, moreover, a tendency to realize the events to which they point. In the meanwhile, serious injury results to Canada from the effect of this anticipation upon the more desirable class of settlers, who naturally prefer a country under fixed and permanent forms of government to one in a state of transition. Having thus adverted to some of the causes of our present evils, we would consider how far the remedies ordinarily proposed possess sound and rational inducements to justify their adoption: I. "The revival of Protection in the markets of the United Kingdom." This, if attainable in a sufficient degree, and guarantied for a long period of years, would ameliorate the condition of many of our chief interests, but the policy of the Empire forbids the anticipation. Besides, it would be but a partial remedy. The millions of the Mother Country demand cheap food, and a second change from Protection to Free Trade would complete that ruin which the first has done much to acheive. II. "The Protection of Home Manufactures." Although this might encourage the growth of a manufacturing interest in Canada, yet, without access to the United States' market, there would not be a sufficient expansion of that interest, from the want of consumers, to work any result that could be admitted as a "remedy" for the numerous evils of which we complain. III. "A Federal Union of the British Ameri can Provinces." ment are Free Trade between the different provinces, and a diminished governmental expenditure. The attainment of the latter object would be problematical, and the benefits anticipated from the former might be secured by legislation under our existing system. The markets of the sister provinces would not benefit our trade in timber, for they have a surplus of that article in their own forests; and their demand for agricultural products would be too limited to absorb our means of supply. Nor could Canada expect expect any encouragement to her manufacturing industry from those quarters. A federal union, therefore, would be no remedy. IV. "The Independence of the British North American Colonies as a Federal Republic." The consolidation of its new institutions from elements hitherto so discordant-the formation of treaties with Foreign Powers-the acquirement of a name and character among the nations-would, we fear, prove an overmatch for the strength of the new Republic. And having regard to the powerful confederacy of States conterminous with itself, the needful military defences would be too costly to render Independence a boon, while it would not, any more than a Federal Union, remove those obstacles which retard our material prosperity. V. "Reciprocal Free Trade with the United States as respects the products of the farm, the forest, and the mine." present unmistakable and significant indications of the appreciation of colonial connection. That it is the resolve of England to invest us with the attributes, and to assume the burdens of Independence is no longer problematical. The threatened withdrawal of her troops from other Colonies the continuance of her military protection to ourselves only on the condition that we shall defray the attendant expenditure, betoken intentions towards our country, against which it is weakness in us not to provide. An overruling conviction, then, of its necessity, and a high sense of duty we owe to our country, a duty we can neither disregard nor postpone, impel us to entertain the idea of separation; and whatever negotiations may eventuate with Great Britain, a grateful liberality on the part of Canada should mark every proceeding. The proposed Union would render Canada a field for American capital, into which it would enter as freely for the prosecution of public works and private enterprise as into any of the present States. It would equalize the value of real estate upon both sides of the boundary, thereby probably doubling at once the entire present value of property in Canada, while by giving stability to our institutions, and introducing prosperity, it would raise our public, corporate, and private credit. It would increase our commerce both with the United States and foreign countries, and would not necessarily diminish, to any great extent, our intercourse with Great Britain, into which our products would, for the If obtained, this would yield but an instalment of the many advantages which might be otherwise secured. The free interchange | most part, enter on the same terms as at pre of such products would not introduce manufactures to our country. It would not give us the North American Continent for our market. It would neither so amend our institutions as to confer stability nor insure confidence in their permanence; nor would it allay the violence of parties, or, in the slightest degree remedy many of our prominent evils. VI. Of all the remedies that have been suggested for the acknowledged and insufferable ills with which our country is afflicted, there remains but one to be considered. It propounds a sweeping and important change in our political and social condition, involving considerations which demand our most serious examination. This remedy sent. It would render our rivers and canals the highway for the immigration to, and exports from, the West, to the incalculable benefit of our country. It would also introduce manufactures into Canada as rapidly as they have been introduced into the Northern States; and to Lower Canada especially, where water privileges and labor are abundant and cheap, it would attract manufacturing capital, enhancing the value of property and agricultural produce, and giving remunerative employment to what is at present a comparatively non-producing population. Nor would the United States merely furnish the capital for our manufactures. They would also supply for them the most extensive markets in the world, without the intervention of a Cus consists in a "Friendly and Peaceful Sepa-tom-House Officer. Railways would forthwith coffee and sugar, would be greatly reduced in | posterity might enter on terms of perfect ration from British Connection, and an Union upon equitable terms with the great North American Confederacy of Sovereign States." We would premise that towards Great Britain we entertain none other than sentiments of kindness and respect. Without her consent we consider separation as neither practicable nor desirable. But the Colonial policy of the Parent State, the avowals of her leading be constructed by American capital as feeders for all the great lines now approaching our frontiers; and railway enterprise in general would doubtless be as active and prosperous among us as among our neighbors. The value of our agricultural produce would be raised at once to a par with that of the United States, while agricultural implements and many of the necessaries of life, such as tea, price. The value of our timber would also be greatly enhanced by free access to the American market, where it bears a high price, but is subject to onerous duty. At the same time there is every reason to believe that our shipholders, as well at Quebec as on the Great Lakes, would find an unlimited market in all the ports of the American Continent. It cannot be doubted that the shipping trade of the United States must greatly increase. It is equally manifest that, with them, the principal material in the construction of ships is rapidly diminishing, while we possess vast territories, covered with timber of excellent quality, which would be equally available as it now is, since under the Free Trade system our vessels would sell as well in England after Annexation as before. The simple and economical State Government, in which direct responsibity to the people is a distinguishing feature, would be substituted for a system at once cumbrous and expensive. In place of war and the alarms of war with a neighbor, there would be peace and amity between this country and the United States. Disagreements between the United States and her chief if not only rival among nations, would not make the soil of Canada the sanguinary arena for their disputes, as under our existing relations must necessarily be the case. That such is the unenviable condition of our state of dependence upon Great Britain is known to the whole world, and how far it may conduce to keep prudent capitalists from making investments in the country, or wealthy settlers from selecting a fore-doomed battle-field for the home of themselves and their children, it needs no reasoning on our part to elucidate. But other advantages than those having a bearing on our material interests may be foretold. It would change the ground of political contest between races and parties, allay and obliterate those irritations and conflicts of rancour and recrimination which have hitherto disfigured our social fabric. Already in anticipation has its harmonious influence been felt the harbinger, may it be hoped, of a lasting oblivion of dissensions among all classes, creeds and parties in the country. Changing subordinate for an independent condition, we would take our station among the nations of the earth. We have no voice in the affairs of the Empire, nor do we share in its honors or emoluments. England is our Parent State, with whom we have no equality, but towards whom we stand in the simple relation of obedience. But as citizens of the United States, the public service of the nation would be open to us a field for high and honorable distinction on which we and our equality. Nor would the amicable separation of Canada from Great Britain be fraught with advantages to us alone. The relief to the Parent State from the large expenditure now incurred in the military occupation of the country--the removal of the many causes of collision with the United States, which result from the contiguity of mutual territories so extensive-the benefit of the larger market which the increasing prosperity of Canada would create, are considerations which, in the minds of many of her ablest statesmen, render our incorporation with the United States a desirable consummation. To the United States also the annexation of Canada presents many important inducements. The withdrawal from the borders of so powerful a nation, by whom in time of war the immense and growing commerce of the Lakes would be jeopardized-the ability to dispense with the costly but ineffectual revenue establishment over a frontier of many hundred miles-the large accession to their income from our Customs the unrestricted use of the St. Lawrence, the natural highway from the Western States to the ocean, are objects for the attainment of which the most substantial equivalents would undoubtedly be conceded. FELLOW COLONISTS: We have thus laid before you our views and convictions on a momentous question-involving a change, which, though contemplated by many of us with varied feelings and emotions, we all believe to be inevitable; one which it is our duty to provide for, and lawfully to promote. We address you without prejudice or partiality, -in the spirit of sincerity and truth,in the interest solely of our common country -and our single aim is its safety and welfare. If to your judgment and reason our object and aiın be at this time deemed laudable and right, we ask an oblivion of past dissensions; and from all, without distinction of origin, party, or creed, that earnest and cordial cooperation in such lawful, prudent and judicious means as may best conduct us to our common destiny. same RAILROAD IRON. The low price of railroad iron at the present time is a theme of serious consideration. There is no article imported which bears the relative proportion in consumption as this. For instance: one mile of track consumes eighty-five to ninety tons of iron. At the end of ten years on a good road, this ninety tons is replaced with new, and the old stock is ready for manufacture into another form, at a depreciation not to exceed thirty per cent., leaving sixty-three tons to be rolled into bar and hoop iron, to be consumed by | dents with almost every branch of the legal the farmers and mechanics of the country. There are now in the United States over four thousand miles of railroad in operation; and, estimating the weight of iron per mile at eighty tons, we have the amount of three hundred and twenty thousand tons in actual service. This, at a depreciaton annually of ten per cent., gives us thirty-two thousand tons, which goes into the channel above specified for consumption. Suppose we continue this system for twenty years, what amount of iron consumed by the United States annually will be produced from this source? It is usually supposed that old rails are easily converted into new ones, but such is not the case. New rails cannot be made with facility except from pig iron; consequently the already large and constantly tly inc increasing amount of this stock is thrown on the market. Look at Vermont and New Hampshire. Carry out the building of all the roads now in the process of construction, and construct those which are chartered, and both of these States will have a full supply of iron (from this source) for all farming purposes. The States upon the seaboard may derive a small benefit in being the carriers of this article, but they must compete with foreign carriers. What is to be the effect of this trade upon Uphold this system in its present form for twenty years, and you effectually transport a portion of the iron mines of England and Wales to this country, and distribute them in such a manner as to control the iron interests in all its branches. the iron mines of the west and south? Are the west and south willing to receive the stipend? How will Missouri be benefitted? What say Alabama and Georgia ? AN IRON DEMOCRAT. MR. CLAY'S SPEECH. science their prompt replies to the most difficult questions, which, at your request, I had the honor of addressing to them, and the ease, fluency, and power with which they delivered their extempore speeches, and engaged in the trial and summing up of their cause, have both delighted and surprised me. Can it be, sir, that the case that has just been triedthat the minutely detailed stores of the witnesses drawn out by the rigid interrogations of the young counsellors, and their solemn appeal to the jury, are all, all fiction ? Am I in a seminary of lea learning or in a court-room, surrounded by the mature realities of professional life? It is the practical part of this system that strikes me with the greatest force. If you go on, young gentlemen, in the course you are now pursuing, you may take a high stand in your profession. Constant, persevering application will accomplish every thing. To this quality, if I may be allowed to speak of myself, more than to any thing else, do I owe the little success which I have attained. Left in early life to work my way alone, with no other than a common education, I saw that the pathway before me was long, steep and rugged, and that the height on which I had ventured to fix the eye of my ambition could only be reached by toil the most severe and a purpose the most indomitable. But shrinking from no labor, disheartened by no obstacle, I struggled on. No opportunity which the most watchful vigilance could secure, to exercise my powers, was permitted to pass by unimproved. And if I could have enjoyed the advantages which this institution is now conferring upon you, I should have entered upon my profession under far higher auspices and brighter hopes. But think not, young gentlemen, that your labor is to cease with your preparatory course. You are here, indeed, but to lay the superstructure to be reared hereafter. The profession you have chosen, more than all others, imposes upon its incumbents the necessity of constant and arduous exertion. To acquire a thorough knowledge of the great and complicated science of law, demands a life of labo The following is the speech of Mr. Clay, rious effort. But it is an honorable, a glo delivered on the occasion of his recent visit to the examination of the students of the National Law School at Ballston Spa, N. Y. It is addressed to Mr. Fowler, the president of the institution: MR. PRESIDENT: Were I to give a full expression of the feelings with which the scenes of this day have inspired me, it might seem rious pursuit. To search out truth, and to promote justice, is its great end. Truth is to be your aim, justice your guide, and the smiles of conscience, of God and of men, your ultimate-your high reward. Let these considerations govern you from this time forward, and with skill and discipline you may lay the foundation, and finally reap the reward of a too much like the language of extravagant high standing and destiny in life. se flattery. For, although the enterprise which you are engaged has been long and favorably known to me, I have never until now understood the nature of your system and its vastly superior advantages to the legal student. The ready familiarity of your stu THE RECENT CUBA EXPEDITION. The recent ridiculous organizations in New Orleans and New York for the invasion and conquest conquest of the Island of Cuba, have col- | commended, refused to be bullied into a comlapsed; the funds are squandered or pocketed; the financiers dispersed; Round Island is evacuated; the war steamers sent down to watch it are withdrawn; and the panic-like the Poussin panic-has turned out a farce. EUROPEAN AFFAIRS. The Turkish government having refused to give up the Hungarian refugees to the Russian government, a war between Turkey and Russia seems inevitable. Pending the issue of the question between these two countries, it is judged, from the strong amity which exists between the French and English cabinets, that a powerful French and English squadron will be ordered into the Mediterranean to meet the emergency. "The Journal des Debats of Thursday, Oct. 4, says: We are glad to learn that England and France are most cordially united in their determination to support their Ambassadors in the advice given by them to the Porte respecting the extradition of the Hungarian refugees, and a note has been drawn up by these two powers of a most energetic character, which, it is thought, will have considerable weight with the Emperors of Russia and Austria, to whom it is to be presented. The firm language of the London papers, with reference to this question, is noticed with great satisfaction by the Journal des Debats. "Gen. Lamoriciere's mission to Russia has proved a complete failure. He has left St. Petersburg on his return to Paris without being permitted to present his credentials to the Czar as the Ambassador of the French Republic. Gen. Lamoriciere, therefore, returns to France without having an opportunity of speaking one word to the Emperor on political matters, and the only memorial he will bring back of his mission is the recollection of sundry reviews and the splendid suit of Circassian armor presented to him by Nicholas immediately after his arrival at the Imperial headquarters. "By far the most important political news by this arrival is the possible and even probable rupture of Russia and Austria with Turkey. It forms the chief topic of discussion in the English and French journals, as well as among all classes, and in its paramount importance, the Roman difficulty as well as all other matters of national importance, appears to have been almost wholly lost sight of. The most recent accounts from Constantinople state that the Emperor of Russia has made a formal demand, through a special envoy to the Porte, for the surrender of Kossuth, Bem, and other patriots who played prominent part in the a late Hungarian struggle, who have sought refuge at Widden, on the Danube, in the territories of the Sultan. The Turkish government, with a manliness which cannot be too highly promise of its independence, and Prince Radzivil, after having ineffectively endeavored to urge the Sultan into a compliance with his demands, has taken an abrupt departure from Constantinople, and Count Titoff, the Russian Minister, has closed all diplomatic relations with the Porte. England and France, through their respective representatives, have prevailed with the Sultan in keeping him firm to his first resolution. Already in England and France cabinet councils have been held to consider these gra grave circumstances. Not the slightest doubt can be entertained of the result. Should Russia persist in demanding the surrender of these devoted men, a European war is thought to be inevitable."-Tribune. Opinions on California. The Times devotes several leading articles to the state of affairs in California. One of them opens thus: "There is at this moment two great waves of population following the setting sun over this globe. The one is that mighty tide of human beings which, this year beyond all parallel, is flowing from Ireland, Great Britain, Germany, and some other parts of Europe, in one compact and unbroken stream to the United States. The other, which may be almost described as urged on by the former, is that which, by many different ways, is forcing itself across the New World to California. Of these the latter is by far the most broken and frustrated. To cross the Atlantic is now as easy and safe as 400 years ago it was to cross the British Channel; and when the dire stimulus of hunger has once urged the peasant to cut the tie of home, it costs him scarcely an effort of body or of mind to be passed on from shore to shore, from deck to quay, from station to station, till he finds himself grading a railway or excavating a canal in the heart of North America. "It is far otherwise with the crowd whom that furious impulse, auri sacri fames, is attracting from comfortable homes to an almost desert shore. There is no kind of hardship and peril which they have not to undergo, and which they do not endure cheerfully for gold's sake. Immense voyages, tropical suns, stormy capes, pestilential ports, interminable deserts, savage tribes, rocky mountains, winter snows, famine, cholera, and panic despair, are some of the alternatives from which they have to choose." The Times then traces each route, stating no facts, however, not already known in this country. Another article notices the newspapers which have been established in San Francisco, commencing thus: "Before us lies a real California newspaper, |