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order those epithets bestowed upon the action of | triumphant through that section, and reinstate the House. I desire only to meet some of tbe the New York council by the Brooklyn breth- their old principles, and their true men. Is it l objections which doubtless induced gentlemen to ren, “ANTI-AMERICAX, “ ANTI-REPUBLICAN,” wiser for the South to trust this new organization, vote against the proposition at the time when it "Most UNWARRANTABLE, ABOMINABLE, and DAN- for the just interpretation of the Constitution, on was first moved. GEROUS ASSUMPTION of DESPOTIC POWER," in its which her rights, and those of the whole Union, It is said, in the first place, by objectors, to be " CONFESSIONAL, PENANCE, and THREATS of Ex- depend, or that old party which, even when de- an intervention on our part with the affairs of COMMUNICATION, only equaled by the holy INQUISI- feated by desperate factions, has always possessed foreign Governments. If it be intervention, it is TION of Spain, and only worthy of imitation by a large body of faithful men, and who are now in precisely such intervention as this Government has the GRAND COUNCIL OF CARDINALs ar Rome." a minority only because they are devoted to practiced from its foundation. Every Minister
I can but believe that the Brooklyn insurgents the Constitution and the rights of the States? sent abroad is sent to influence the action of some have used language which the deliberate judg. We know that this order is hostile to principles foreign Government, and to induce it so to regument of the American people will adopt as their || which the party have ever cherished. We know late iis action as to benefit, and not injure us. In opinion of the character, the purposes, and the || that it is a formidable machine in the hands of point of fact, we have ourselves had several merits of the order, and this opinion will soon be | ambitious men to defeat this Administration, instances of mediation submitted to us, which we both verdict and epitaph
which stands as a bulwark for the just rights of have accepted, thereby admitting that it was not Were there no cause for the dissolution of the the States, and the people, against every form of such intervention as gentlemen wonld now ex. order in its principles, the discordant materials || persecution and fanaticism. We know that under clude us from offering to foreign Governments. which compose it would soon precipitate ils de- its banner are arrayed those who, for a quarter of Our Ministers are instructed to interfere with the struction. The ultra men already elected, agree- a century, have been the enemies of the Consti- action of foreign Governments, so far as it may ing in nothing but hostility to the South, to aliens, tution and national peace; that against it are op. T affect us, and no further; and hence they are not and to Catholics, can harmonize in no course of || posed those whom we have ever cherished as our expected to look to the internal action of any action, foreign or domestic, unless by the happen- || friends, and the true friends of the Union-whom Governinent, but merely to its external relations, ing of a Whig majority in Congress, the tariff fanaticism bas reviled and persecuted, and who, because in these latter we ourselves have an should be altered to suit the protectionist theory, | under every adversity, have stood by the rights of interest. For example, if the Emperor of Russia or some other doctrine of that party be embodied the States and of the citizens of every State. It should deprive us of the trade of ihe ports of the in a law. If this order takes hold in the South, it will create no surprise that we adhere to old' Black Sea, or Baltic, our Minister, Mr. Seymour, will surprise both friends and opponents. It will friends who have proven faithful, rather than trust would be instructed to remonstrate against it. If be a matter of wonder why thai section, suffering ancient enemies, who do not conceal their aversions that interruption should arise from a conflict benone of the hardships which are plead as an even while they solicit our confidence.
tween Russia and some other Power, why then excuse for the order in the North, and from her
we might appeal to both of the belligerent parties. institutions peculiarly averse to secret and irrespon
In this particular instance, our trade is interrupted sible associations, should discard a long history of
in those seas by the existing war, and our Gove
ernment has a right to relieve us from such an tion, and wear the name of an order which, in the SPEECH OF HON. T. L. CLINGMAN, injury, if it is practicable for it to do so. northern States, has beaten down the defenders of
OF NORTH CAROLINA,
A gentleman over the way said, the other day, the Constitution and State-rights, and inaugurated
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES,
when I first brought up this proposition, that he more fully than ever before, the era of consolida
hoped that the war between Russia and the allied tion and fanaticism.
January 3, 1855.
Powers wouid continue for fifty years. I take it In a crisis like the present, it becomes the The House being in the Committee of the for granted that he did not express this beneroDemocratic party to remain steadfast to its old Whole on the state of the Union
lent wish (a laugh) from any opinion that it was principles. In the “ Act for establishing religious Mr. CLINGMAN said:
advantageous to the parties engaged in it; but he freedom," adopted in Virginia, in 1786, and ori- Mr. CHAIRMAN: I will ask the attention of the must have made the remark to carry the impresginating in the benevolent mind of Mr. Jefferson, committee, not to the subject upon which my
sion that the United States would derive some it was enacted that, friend from South Carolina (Mr. Keitt) has so
advantage from it. It will be conceded, on all “No inan shall be enforced, restrained, molested, or bur- eloquently addressed the committee, for I should hands, that it will give us no glory and no addi., dened, in his body or goods, nor shall he otherwise suffer on account of his religious opinions or belief, but that all
not like to attempt to glean in a field which he has tional territory. If we are to be benefited, theremen shall be free to profess, and by argument,'to maintain, I reaped so carefully, but to another question which fore, it must be in a pecuniary point of view, their opinions in mat'ers of religion, and that the same has some intrinsic merits, and which I hope to be either by increasing our exports, that is to say, BHALL IN NOWISE DIMINISH, ENLARGE, OR AFFECT THEIR CIVIL CAPACITIES."
able to present in the interval that will elapse prior H. exhancing the value of what we have to sell, or to the usual time of adjournment.
diminishing the price of what we have to import On this tolerant principle the Democratic party, It will be recollected ihat, at an early day of this or purchase. through all the variety of disaster and success, has session, 1 offered a proposition, suggesting the
Let us examine this matter briefly, at the outset stood from that day to this. It has been the
propriety of this Government offering its media- of the argument, first with reference to what we giardian of every civil and political right, of every tion to the belligerent Powers of Europe. The
have to sell. individual, and of every section. No error has following is the proposition, as modified by me: Our principal article of export is cotton; and now, . been too gigantic for its assauli, no right too insig. A Joint Resolution requesting ihe President to tender the
in the face of two short crops, it is down to less nificant for its protection. When the rights of the
mediating of the United States to the Powers engaged in
than eight cents. My own opinion is, and I say States were in peril during the Federal adminis
it with deference to the opinions of other gentle. tration of the elder Adams, it was the champion
Whereas, the people of the United States see, with reof our faith, Mr. Jefferson, who was foremost in gret, that several of ihe great Powers of Europe are engaged
men, that but for the war, cotton would probably in a war which threatens to be of long duration, and disas
be now worth eleven or twelve cenis, as it was their defense, resting their security upon principles trous in its consequences to the industrial and social inter- in 1850 and 1851. I say so, because the recent as wise and venerable as the Constitution itself, ests of a large portion of the civilized world; and being, supplies do noi, I think, bear a greater ratio to and triumphantly sustained by the Democratic under the favor of Providence, in the full enjoyment of the
the present demand of the world than did the blessings of peace, distant from the theater of conflict, disparty. It was during his administration that the connected with the causes of quarrel heiween the parties
crops in the years referred 10. If so, the loss on * alien and sedition laws," so violative of personal || belligerent, and, as a nation, having no immediate interest
this article alone, will make a difference of at right, were effaced from the statute-book by the in die contest, and no purpose to interiere, forcibly or in least forty millions of dollars in the value of our votes of the same Democratic party which it is now an unwelcome manner, levertheless are of opinion that
exports; and, in point of fact, I have no doubt attempted to seduce into heresies more abomina
the controversy may be susceptible of pacific adjustinent,
that the war makes a difference of twenty-five to ble than those which it then abolished. This new Therefore
foriy millions in this respect alone, besides losses ism is the old “ alien law," under a thin disguise; Be it resolved by the Senate and House of Representa. in tobacco and other articles. Gentlemen will say and these two, with “ Native Americanism," are tires of the United States of Anerica in Congress assem
to me, perhaps, that breadstuffs are increasing bodies into which the old uulaid spirit of Feder
hled, That we would view with satisfaction a tender to the
belligerents of lic ine tiation of the United States, provided in value, but they forget that the drought of last alism has insinuated itself, hoping, under these it should be in accordance with the President's views of year so destroyed the crops in most of the grainforms, to obtain a favor which was always denied the public interests.
growing States, that we shall have nothing to it when recognized. It is like Petruchio's nether My object at that time was simply to get the spare for the next twelve months. We have then wedding garment, "a thrice-turned pair of old subject before the Committee on Foreign Affairs, to take the chances of deriving an advantage two breeches,”' betraying the nakedness it wasintended l of which I am known to be a member, leaving ii years hence; if we should then happen to have to conceal.
to the discretion of that committee to act upon it as produce to sell, as a set off to the large and heavy The integrity and respectability of the Demo. lo them might seem best. Since then, there has losses that are falling on us. cratic party have been sustained by adhering to been a great deal of comment upon that subject by But, in point of fact, it is the ability of Europe to the great constitutional doctrines which it incul. the press generally. The proposition has been purchase that determines the demand for and price cated, and refusing under all circumstances, to assailed in some quarters, and defended with abil- of breadstuffs. I took occasion some years ago ally itself with the temporary isms, which the ity in others. The course of remark has been to examine the reports made by committees of the Whig party has so readily affiliated with, and such, that I desire to make a short explanation of Brilish Parliament in relation in the condition of which have resulted in its corruption, and almost my views in relation to this subject, and of the the laboring population of England. Ji appeared in its destruction. Though defeated at the North, reasons which governed me in making the move- that during periods of distress and famine the in the late elections, those who stood by their ment.
laboring classes were compelled to give up in sucprinciples through that arduous struggle, are men I do not propose to speak as a member of the i cession, as the pressure increased, such' articles whose devotion to truth is beyond suspicion, and Committee on Foreign Affairs now, because I as were not indispensable; and that, for example, who, aided by a few thousand of their old friends, have not the right, under the rules of the House, they first gave up sugar, then meat, after using it whom the excitement and the deceptions of the lo refer to anything which occurs in the commit- for a time only once a week, then bread, and finally hour have misled, will soon bear the ancient flag Il tee until it shall think proper to make a report to | they relied upon the potato alone. It appeared,
the Eastern war.
33D CONG....20 SESS.
Mediation in the Eastern War—Mr. Clingman
Ho. OF Reps.
from the investigation made at that time, that there, tures are also very large, so that the entire war there anything in the attendant circumstances of was a disposition to consume a large amount of expenses must reach several hundred millions. a character to induce a belief that our country provisions if they had had the ability to obtain Now the money expended in this manner is as might exert an influence to bring the war to a them. Necessity was the sole measure of their completely lost to the world as that invested in close? This, Mr. Chairman, is a question of great purchases. If the war goes on in Europe, with the Arctic when she went down into the waters delicacy, as it involves an examination of the its heavy taxation diminishing the wealth and of the deep sea.
grounds of the war itself. If I were to enter into means of the people there, I doubt very much It is supposed that the Allies have lost forty or a discussion of iis causes, I should speak of things whether they will have the ability, to any great fifty thousand men, including those who have been which persons in Europe, perhaps, understand extent, to pay for our produce, even if we should slain in battle, died of disease, or have been per- | better than I can do here. In the next place, I might have a large surplus. But even if it should prove manently disabled. The Russian loss is greater, 1 get up such a debate as would lead to a discussion otherwise, it is not probable that this additional especially if we take into account the campaign on of the merits of the several contending parties, and, demand will make up for the loss upon the other the Danube. The same is probably true of the put ourselves in a position which neutrals ought articles to which I have alluded.
Turks. The loss of all must exceed one hundred not to occupy. I therefore feel the full force of Again, specie is being rapidly drawn abroad from 1 thousand men. Now, North Carolina is an aver- the caution given by the old Roman poet, to those this country to satisfy the demands of the belliger. age-sized State, in population, and she has only || who tread on ashes that may conceal fires underents. There is, by consequence, an extraordinary one hundred thousand voters. There has then neath. Nevertheless, I desire to make a suggespréssure in the eastern cities, and extending itself | been a number of men destroyed as great or greater tion or two on this point. into the interior of the country, so as seriously to than all the voting population of my State--men The war originally rested upon a very narrow cripple all business transactions, and produce heavy | in the prime of life, men selected for their bodily basis, so small that the parties themselves did not losses to the community. Stocks of all kinds have | vigor, and many of whom were men of intellect expect it to produce a war. This is clear from also greatly fallen in value, to the detriment of and education. All these are swept away: The their procrastination and tardiness in making ademany of the States, as well as of individuals. Be. effect of the war is far more disastrous than an quate preparations for so great a contest. In fact, sides all this, the shipping interest has suffered, epidemic disease which sweeps over a country, it was supposed, at one time, that they had settled and is suffering extremely.
and takes away a like number of men, women, the difficulty. The Czar himself is represented to During the great wars in Napoleon's time, and children, indiscriminately.
have said that the war is one “ for which, judged owing to the fact that Great Britain was excluded My object in making these remarks is to show by its apparent grounds, there is no reason; and from most of the continental ports, our ships had that an immense amount of the wealth of the || it is contrary to the moral, industrial, and comthe carrying trade. Such, however, is not now world, and a very large number of producers, as mercial interests of the entire world." It is true, the case; but there are, in fact, nearly as many well as consumers of the products of our labors, are that he goes on to charge that the purpose of the foreign ships engaged in trade as before the war annihilated. I hold that such a loss is injurious to Allies is to limit the power of Russia. Well, if began, owing to the fact that Russia has not the 11 the commercial interests of every civilized country that be their purpose, of course any offer of medimeans of molesting the Allies on the sea. In fact, in the world, and especially to that of the United ation from us would most probably lead to no while the number of carriers remains about the States.
favorable result. But I do not understand that same, the absolute value of freights is likely to be To prove the truth of this proposition, let us | the Allies have planted themselves upon that diminished, so that really the whole shipping suppose the United States to be the only civilized | ground as yet. And even if they have for a mointerest is languishing, and the value of ships is country in the world, and all the rest io be filled ment entertained such notions, the formidable twenty or thirty per cent. less than it was a few with savages, we should have then no exports resistance they have met with when attacking months ago. A gentleman behind me, from the 4 and no imports. This is evident as soon as stated. | what was supposed to be the exposed point of the maritime region, says that it has diminished fifty | As in that contingency, all our surplus produc- Czar's dominions, will go far to satisfy them that per cent. Doubtless he is right on this point. tions would perish on our hands, I need not argue | it is not an easy matter so to change the map of
It is also probable, if the war continues for that this state of things would be immensely inju. | Europe as to deprive Russia of any portion of her years, we shall suffer as purchasers. It is true, rious to us. I maintain that, as you destroy ihe | territory. I do not believe they will persist in any ibat certain kinds of manufactures seem to have wealth of the civilized world to any great extent, 'such purpose. They are governed by wise and fallen in value. It must be remembered, however, you approximate that condition to which I have sagacious statesmen; and, in view of the difficul., that the present supply was created for a state of alluded. For instance, suppose that other nations ties which present themselves, I do not think they peace. One of the effects of a fall of prices is to were thrown back to the condition of things which entertain the idea that, without a longer struggle diminish the amount produced. It will also fol. existed twenty-five years ago. Wethen sold less than either of these Governments are willing to low, that if laborers are forced to serve in the than thirty millions of dollars worth of cotton. If make, they can materially diminish the power of armies--and on this account, and also by reason Europe were in the same condition as at that time, Russia. of exorbitant laxation, manufacturing establish- and we had now a hundred millions to sell, but All history shows that the apparent strength of ments are broken up-there must be a correspond could find a market for only thirty millions, where aliances is deceptive. Where all the parties are ing rise in the value of articles produced. These should we find ourselves?' The extra amount of | acting in good faith, and with equal zeal, it very are not new opinions with me; for in 1850, I con- seventy millions would rot on our hands. But I frequently happens that, from the want of proper tended, while discussing the tariff, that one of the take the further position, that even if this war, or concert of action, they fail to accomplish their reasons why manufactures were so cheap, was any other cause, should keep the rest of the world | object. All Eurore at one time assailed France that a long peace in Europe had caused the wealth stationary for the next ten years, we should be unsuccessfully, and Napoleon himself, at a later and labor, formerly expended in wars, to be em- greatly losers, because we are constantly increas- day, carried most of the European nations with ployed in production, and thus brought down the ing our productions; and hence, if there should him against Russia, but his reverses caused Ausprices of articles, and put them in the reach of a not be a proportionate increase in the markets of tria and other Powers to secede and join his larger number. If this was a sound argument, the world, we should be losers.
enemies, so that he was in the end overwhelmed. as I still think, then the reverse, viz: withdrawing I think, therefore, that the proposition can be I take it for granted, therefore, that these sagacious labor and capital from production, and expending maintained as a sound one in political economy, statesmen will not rely so fully on this alliance,. it in war, will tend to raise prices in those com- that you cannot destroy a large amount of the powerful as it seems to be, as io press the matter modities. wealih of the world, without injury to us as a
to the extreme I have alluded to. I refer to all these matters to show that our great commercial nation. There may be excep; It does not strike me, Mr. Chairman, that it is interests are sufferimg from the effects of this war; tions to this rule here and there, but as a general the interest of either of these Powers to desire a how much it is not easy to determine. My own proposition, it holds good. lf, then, the war be prolongation of the war. England is a commeropinion is from fifty to a hundred millions of dol-1 injurious to us, financially and commercially, will cial nation. The English people are brave, and lars a year. I have no doubt that it is largely it benefit us politically? In reference to the ques- i energetic, and patient, and so long as their Gov. more than the expenses of this Government. tion of the balance of power in Europe, it is true ernment tells them it is necessary to carry on the Now, if this be so, is it not worth while to see if that it is not a matter for us to interfere with. But war they will submit to sacrifices. But England any measures can be devised to remove the cause I may say that you could not change that balance can have no hope of acquiring territory, so as to of such a loss?
of power without prejudicing us. For example, compensate her for these sacrifices. This remark But it may be said that this is only temporary, if Russia becomes omnipotent, and crushes the applies equally to France. Her Emperor seems and that matters will soon get right. On the western commercial nations, though the Czar to have been directing his energies of late very contrary, it strikes me that these evils must con- might himself be as just and as moderate as our much to the improvement of the interior of his tinue and be permanent. England and France own Washington, his successors might not be own country, in all respects, and to the beautifying have already sent more than one hundred and 80, and it is easy to see that their conduct could of Paris, its magnificent capital. I do not, therefifty thousand men to the East. Now if they cost change things to our injury. If the Allies, on the fore, believe that the Allies will at present desire to the Allies as much per man as our soldiers did other hand, should prové decidedly victorious, / prolong the war. And very clearly it cannot be the in Mexico, it will be upwards of one thousand their ascendancy might give them, not only greater interest of Russia to have war rather than peace. dollars per man for a campaign; and this, in the power, but also greater inclination to interfere with The Emperor of Russia has a territory twice as aggregate, amounts to one hundred and fifty mil- us on this side of the globe. Looking, therefore, large as that of the United States. It is but lions. Besides this, they have already made an to the mere question of the balance of power in thinly settled, and the facilities of communication
between the different parts of it are not such as they armaments, both for the Baltic and the Black seas. in a worse condition than we now are." I hope it should be. He marches men a thousand miles So that the whole expenditure may be nearly twice will remain evenly balanced, so that each Power from Moscow to the Black Sea or the Danube, that sum. From the English papers, I observe may be able to hold others in check, and prevent || and they are decimated two or three times over that the British Government is about building a mischief.
by disease and fatigue, ere they reach the point hundred and twenty steam gun boats, at a cost But having barely adverted to these topics to of action. Now, you and I know very well, sir, of $250,000 each. That item alone will amount to show that this war is an evil to us, I pass now to that railroads from Moscow and St. Petersburgh $30,000,000. The Russian and Turkish expendi- ll the consideration of the other great question. Is ll to the Danube, the Crimea, and the Caspian, would
330 CONG....20 Sess.
Mediation in the Eastern War-Mr. Clingman.
Ho. OF REPS.
nical Governments have been put down there,
turned against each other. make Russia stronger now than she would be with
It was a noble intervention, and
a just reluru for the good work of the Emperor Alexander the whole Turkish empire annexed, without these the cause of civil liberty has not advanced. Nor
in offering his mediation between the United States and facilities. I take it for granted that a sagacious has it in the South American States; nor in the Great Britain--good works there peace mediations, and as ruler, like the Czar, would rather improve the world generally, during hostile struggles. What nearly divine as humanity can reach ;-worthy of all praises condition of his country, in this respect, than I mean to say is, not that war may not be some
of long rememberance, and continuat imitation ;-the niore
so in this case of the British mediauon wlien the event 10 prolong such a war. Great Britain is just the times necessary to protect liberty, but I aflirm that
be prevented would bave been so favorable to British inter: reverse of Russia in this respect; and by reason Mliberty does not usually spring out of war; that ests would have throw the commerce of the United of her compactness, insular position, and mari- where you have one case of that kind, I can point Siates and of France into her hands, and enriched her at time supremacy, she is a formidable antagonist to to a hundred of a contrary tendency. Looking,
the expose of both. Ilappily the progress of the age whicli,
in cultivaring good will among nations, clevates great any country under the sun, having one league of therefore, simply to the interest, of the masses of Powers above all selfishness, and prsmits no uofriendly
Europe, I would rather have peace than war. In recollection-ho selfish calculation-10 baik the impulsions But, Mr. Chairman, I have no doubt that there peace you have the railroad and telegraph and the
of a noble philanthropy. were some mistakes made originally. I think it newspaper. Every newspaper, and lecter, and These, Mr. Chairman, are just and noble sentihighly probable that the parties took the succes- message is an atom thrown on the side of liberty. ments in themselves, and concisely and handsive steps that led them into this war without fore- You will find that as men become wealthier they somely expressed. Andrew Jackson, then at the seeing where they would carry them. The Em- l will become more intelligent and more tenacious of head of our Government, was not a man likely to peror of Russia may not have expected such an their political and personal rights.
succumb to an adversary, or to admit improper alliance when he took possession of the Principal. These views, Mr. Chairman, accord with our
interference from a foreign quarter. Nor did any ities, and the Allies probably thought he would own political system. We have the smallest army
man in these Halls, or in the country, censure recede when they made their demonstration. But, and navy of any of the great nations, and our his acceptance of the mediation. Every one knew sir, they have now placed themselves in a position policy has been that of peace, in the main, from
that that iron will, before which the veteran col. where neither can well make the first move to- the days of Washington. There are, too, pas- umns of England were broken to pieces at New wards a settlement, without a sacrifice of pride, sages in our own history, which render it imper. | Orleans, would have been not less strikingly exand perhaps of prestige. Their condition is well ative that we should make the movement which I hibited in defense of any right that could claim described by Vattel, in a few sentences, which 1 have indicated. It is well known that during our the protection of our flag. will read to the committee, He says:
revolutionary struggle, France interfered on our li thus appears that each one of these three great “Two nations, though equally weary of war, often conside, and ultimately became our ally, and aided us
Powers has, in periods of trial or danger to us, inue it merely from the fear of making tbe first advances until the end of the struggle. Bui for that inter- interfered for our relief; and shall we not reciproto an accommodation, as these might be imputed to weakness, or they persist in it from animosity, and agaiust their 'which I am addressing to-day would not exist. vention it is highly probable that the assembly
cate their good offices ? Shall we be always ready
lo receive benefits, and never to return them? Shail Then common friends effectually interpose, offering theinselves as mediators. And there cannot be a And, sir, while alluding to this, I find myself un- we fold our arms, and coolly look on, while our more beneficent office than that of reconciling two nations expectedly in the presence of one who calls up former friends are struggling in the midst of perils? at war, and thus putting a flop to the effusion of blood.
recollections; I cannot see, at this moment, without Above all, shall we refuse to act because we hope This is an indispensable duty to those who are possessed emotions, the gentleman on my left. (Mr. CLING
to take benefits from their misfortunes? Is a great of the means of suceeding in it.” Man looked at M. Lafayetle, who was sitting near
Government like ours to occupy the position of These sentences, Mr. Chairman, express fully | him )
the wrecker, who stands upon the sea-beach during what I would say on this point. But if the con- A Voice. " Who is it?"
the storm, praying that navies may be stranded, test be not terminated now, it must soon become It is, (said Mr. CLINGMAN, continuing,) he that he may seize upon the floating fragments! a general European war. It will next year prob- whose grandsire is pictured on that tapestry,
Shall we imilate the kite and the vulture that folably get into Germany and Italy, and be more (pointing to the full length portrait of the Marquis low armies to prey, upon the slain, or the sharks destructive than the wars of Napoleon, because de Lafayette, on the left of the Speaker.) When that collect around the sinking ship to devour the the means of aggression and destruction are greater we remember the past, made vivid by the sight of drowning inmates? If any gentleman here has at this time than they were in his day. Wheri that picture and this living representative, is there such feelings, I envy him not their enjoyment. the tri-colored flag is on the Danube, or the Vis- one who can doubt but that we owe a deep debt of If we were, as a nation, too feeble to protect tula, the impetuous glory loving Frenchman will | gratitude to France. While I would not pretend ourselves, we might, upon the plea of necessity, have brought back vividly the recollections of that we ought, under the cireumstances, to take justify being thus contemptible. We might then Marengo, and Jena, and Austerlitz, and Wagram. pari, by force, on her side, I nevertheless maintain have an excuse for wishing that others might be All Europe will be in a blaze, and the war will ihat we are under the highest obligations to do crippled Jest they should hurt us. But while in fall with destructive and crushing force on the everything consistently with our own interest, to a war with any great maritime Power our comindustrial and lower classes, who, in such times, relieve France from danger or difficulty.
merce would seriously suffer, there is no nation in are always the greatest sufferers.
At a later period in our history, when we were less danger of conquest or mutilation. We can, There are some who look with hope and pleas- at war with England, in 1812, Russia tendered therefore, afford to be just and honorable, yea, even ure to this condition of things. They say that her mediation. That mediation was, in the lan- magnanimous. the Governments will be overthrown, and the cause guage of Mr. Monroe, the Secretary of State, There is another reason, Mr. Chairman, which of liberty advanced. I have no doubt but that willingly accepted” by our Government. Great operates with great force on my mind as an argusome of the existing Governments will be put Britain declined'it, but subsequently, and after she ment for my proposition. The impression predown, but I do not concur in the opinion that had triumphed over her great adversary in Europe, vails in Europe, or, at all events, has been sought republicanism will gain. You may see and was prepared to turn all her forces against
to be creaied there, that we are a grasping and a tyrannical Government overthrown, and another, the United States, and thus give the war a much
sapacious people. I do not, for a moment, admit stronger and more tyrannical, erected in its stead.
more serious and formidable character, it is well the justice of this charge against us. On the conThe only liberty which is worth preserving, is known that the interference of. Alexander of || trary, I think the United Siates have shown, from that which is founded upon law. And from the Russia contributed, in a powerful manner, cowards their earliest history, a commendable moderation. days of Julius Cæsar down to the present time, the pacification which took place. Russia, too, I recollect very well being, told by a gentlenian “arms and laws have not flourished together." it appears, then, has strong claims to any good who had just returned from Europe, whilst the On the contrary, during military struggles, des- offices we can render her.
Texas annexation was pending, that the veteran potism raises its head and dominates over the land Still later in our progress as a nation there is statesman Metternich said to him, there was not amidst the clangor of arms. To protect life and an incident, and a precedent more striking and
a Government in Europe that would have hesiproperty, power must be given to the existing conclusive in its character. In 1835, when this lated a moment to taka Texas on the terms on Governments. The greater the perils which sur- Government, under the administration of General which she offered herself. In fact, while England round them, the higher the powers with which | Jackson was in imminent danger of being involved has been taking kingdom after kingdom in Asia, they must be invested. Men will submit to any , in war with France, Great Britain tendered her
and France has been extending her conquests over exactions, therefore, to support vast military mediation. It was accepted, both by us and by Africa, and the other European Governments have armaments. But let there be peace and security, the King of France, and a pacification between
been taking all the territory they could acquire and these very armaments, being no longer neces- the two Governments was the result. Upon this without peril to themselves, we may well chalsary to the safety of the State, soon become point I cannot do better than to read a few sen- lenge a comparison with them. intolerable and will be discarded.
iences from the work of the distinguished gentle- I may say, further, in order that no gentleSir, the history of modern Europe sustains this man from Missouri, (Mr. Benton.) After allud- man may misunderstand the feelings with which position. It was after a period of peace that the ing to the state of things which then existed—the I make these remarks, that I belong to what is first French revolution exhibited itself, and at the exhaustion of negotiations and the preparatory
called the party of progress, or to Young America. close of the long and desolating wars to which it | armaments on both sides, he refers to ihe fact that I am in favor of the acquisition of territory under gave rise-I mean when the Congress of Vienna General Jackson sent in a message to Congress, proper circumstances. Nevertheless, while I ensat-liberty lay low all over Europe. It was after announcing his acceptance of the mediation, and
tertain these opinions, and believe that injustice a long period of peace that the revolution of 1830 uses the following language:
has been done to our country abroad, it is imshook down the French monarchy, and extended “ In communicating the offer of the British mediation the possible to conceal the fact that the impression its vibrations into distant Poland. It was after President expressed his bigli appreciation of the elevated prevails in Europe that we desire this' war to another long period of peace that the revolution
and di-interested inolives or that offer.' The motives continue, in order that we may get an opportunity of 1843 blazed out in France, illuminating Lom
were, in fact, both elevated and disinterested; and pre-ents
to seize upon our neighbor's territory. Now, by bardy, Italy, and Hungary, until its light was which history loves to dwell. France and the United Sintes making this movement we shall truthfully, and at dimmed and extinguished by the emoke of battle. had fought together against Great Britain; now Great Britain the same time, gracefully remove any such imSir, our neighbor, Mexico, has had war enough
slupx btween France and the United States to prevent them l pression. Besides, sir, it would be a declaration in the last fifty years to have made her people
from fighting each other. George te Third received the
bf neutrality in the most emphatic form. It would the freest on earth, and yet, though many tyran- liam the Fourth, interposes to prevent their arms from being not only be a declaration that our Government
330 CONG....20 Sess.
Financial and Territorial Policy of the Administration-Mr. Mayall.
Ho. OF REPs.
intended to stand neutral, but that it did not desire Before entering upon a general discussion of other metals, cotton, flax, silk, wool, leather, that the war should continue to the injury of the the financial policy of the Administration, I will marble, paper, papier maché, wood, &c., also parties themselves. If the movement were to be read that portion of the President's message re- prepared meals, vegetables, animal oils, paints, succeesful—if we were to be instrumental in lating to the treaty which was made between the glass, &c.; so that ihere will be an equal encourrelieving these belligerents from their present diffi. North American British Provinces upon the one agement given to the manufactures of inis country culties, it would give us the greatest consideration, part, and the United States of America upon the as to the farming interests of the Provinces not only with the Governments, but also with the other, during the last session of Congress:
making it to the interest of those Provinces to masses of the people.
"Since the adjournment of Congress, the ratifications of
take our manusactures in return for their agriculI maintain that if our country and its Govern
the treaty between the United Stati s 'and Great Britain, // tural productions, and thus making the commer-
and some of its anticipared advantages are already enjoyed
If the provisions of this bill are much longer
resisted by statute, they will triumph in spite of jects. But where there is ill-feeling between coun- ratified, Great Britain opened to our cominerce the free statute. The relalive position of the two countries tries, a single spark will sometimes light the flames navigation of the river Si. Lawrence, and to our fishermen -their business connections-necessarily compel of war. unmolested access to the shores and bays, from which they
the practice of free trade. The steam car, swifter had been previously excluded, on the coasts of her North I have, Mr. Chairman, discussed this question American provinces; in return for which, ele asked for than the fabled messenger of ancient commerce, mainly upon the narrow ground -of our interests the introduction, free of duty, into the ports of the United is gradually and steadily accomplishing this great as a nation. This, however, is not the mode to States, of the fish caught on the same coast by British fish. desideratum. Already lines of railway penetrate
This bring ihe compensation, stipulated in the do full justice to the subject. To do this will re
the heart of the Provinces, from Maine, Massatrealy, for privileges of the highest importance and value quire a much wider range of thought and inves- to the United States, which were llius voluntarily yielded chusetts, and New York, and still other lines are tigation. Independently of all calculations of before it became effective, the request seemed to me to be in progress or contemplation, which, when cominteresi, considerations of humanity rise up and
a reasonable one; but it could not be acceded to, froin want pleied, will have a direct tendency, and, in fact, force themselves upon the mind. The ear:h was
of authority to suspend our laws imposing duties upon all
will superinduce reciprocity, in spite of all the given to man for his dominion and control. But
" in the mean time, the Treasury Department issued a
artificial barriers that unwise legislation can pile. it is only in our times that men are beginning to regulation, for ascertaining the duties paid or secured by up to thwart its peaceful and beneficent progress. assert that right in its full extent. I do not mean
bonds on fist caught on the coasts of the British provinces. The provisions of this bill will then be carried
and bronght to our markets by British subjects, alter the to say that in former ages men have not been fishing grounds liad bech made fully accessible to the citi
into practical effect. The effect of unrestricted spread over the earth, but it is only in our day ihat zens of the United States. (recommend to your favorable commerce between this country and these Prove they have begun to iurn its great natural agents consideration a proposition, which will be submitted to inces, will be immeasurably to increase the busito account. This war will stop the progress of you, for authority to refund the duties and cancel the bonds Thus received. The provinces of Canada and New Bruns.
ness and enhance the profits of the railway lines humanity. It will destroy the greatest and best wick have also anticipated the full operation of the treaty,
in question, a result which will redound more works of man, and throw himn back upon the bar- by legislative arrangeinents, respectively, 10 adınit, free of largely to the benefit of our own citizens than to barism of the past. duty, the products of the United States inentioned in the
that of our neighbors, because, in the first place, Besides, it is a war between the different branches free list of the treaty; and an arrangement, similar to that regarding Briush fish, has been made for duties now charge
our pecuniary interest in those lines is greater, of the great Caucasian family—the white races of able on the products of those provinces enumerated in ile
and because, also, the established and unalterable men, who have shown by their superior mental same free list, and introduced therefrom into the United current of trade must make the Provinces tributary and moral endowments, their right io control the States; a proposition for refunding which will, in my judg- to us, rather than ourselves tributary lo them. world and regulate its destinies. It is also a
ment, be in like manner entitled 10 your favorable consider-
No State in the Union is so vitally interested in war, in the main, between Christian nations; and
the question of free trade as Maine. She is equally we are impelled, therefore, by considerations of, Although my views do not comport with the interested with several other States, on account of humanity, of race, and of religion, to interpose, views expressed by the President in relation to the the railway connections with the Provinces. She if our interposition can avail anything. If the reciprocity treaty, I would not have any one infer, is also more deeply interested from another conmovement is to be made, it should begin here. therefore, that I am opposed to free trade between sideration, being a border State of the Union. We represent the feelings, the very heart of the the North American British Provinces, on the With the barriers of commercial restriction kept American people; hence our sanction will give one hand, and the United States on the other. I up between her and the Provinces, her position is greater force and consideration to the movement. have been long of the opinion that a free, mutual, isolated, and, like all border Stales, less favorable But to the Executive, who has the charge of and independent reciprocation of the agricultural to commerce than those States more centrally conducting the foreign affairs of the country, it productions and manufactured articles in both situated. The establishment of commercial recibelorgs properly to decide when and how the countries would result alıke advantageously to the procity, either by treaty or statute, between the step should be taken. If there be not a fitting interests of both. Upon an examination of the United States and the British Provinces, will occasion just now, it may be otherwise a few articles imported in 1851 and 1852, named in the change the face of affairs, and give to Maine a more months hence.
schedule of the treaty, I find the balance of trade central position in the world of commerce, aug. Entertaining these feelings, my original object in these articles is more than five hundred per menting her influence and her power, and thereby was to bring the subject before the Committee on centum against us. Hence I am decidedly of the securing a larger share of the trade of the world Foreign Affairs, and let that committee determine | opinion that the treaty, as it now stands, in its than she can now possibly command. When the whether such a movement was advisable, if it practical effect and operation, has resulted advan. great system of railways is completed, which is were, to let it begin with Congress, but leave to iageoudy to the interests of the British Provinces, lo strike out a new and shorter paih from the comthe Executive the mode and manner of conducting and, upon the other hand, to the destruction of mercial metropolis of the United States to that of it. The President, of course, has an acquaintance | American interests.
Great Britain, running through the whole extent with the condition of things which nobody else In order to explain my meaning in relation to of her frontier, Maine will become an essential can possess, and to him, therefore, would I leave
this point, I will suppose, for instance, that the and eminently central portion of this vast interit to determine whether the movement should be United States propose and enter into a treaty with national highway of commerce, and will, consemade now or at some future day, and whether the Great Britain, in certain specific articles raised quently, derive all the advantages that hier new offer of mediation should be tendered through the here in our own country, and that we are to have position will confer upon her, which must be incalforeign ministers here or through our ministers reciprocity of trade with Great Britain in cotton, || culably great and valuable. abroad, or in any other mode that he might regard rice, tobacco, corn, flour, beef, pork, butter, The idea that reciprocity will affect unfavorably as best calculated to effect the object. Whenever cheese—a system which would, in fact, include ali the shipping and building interests of this counhe should think proper to act, he would then move the agricultural productions of the United States try, and especially of Maine, is, in my opinion, in the matter wiih all the authority of the Gov. which are articles of exportatjon. Take it for founded in error—in a total misapprehension of ernment to sustain him. If the movement shall granted that Great Britain enters into a treaty with the effect of reciprocity on one of those branches be made, I have no doubt but that it would be the Government of the United States in relation to of industry in which Maine is more largely in. Banctioned and approved by our constituents. these articles. Here would be a treaty resulting | terested than any other State in the Union. Such
directly for the interests of the United States, and an apprehension, I repeat, is grounded in false
againsi those of Great Britain. The treaty be- notions of political economy, and of the effects FINANCIAL AND TERRITORIAL POLICY OF THE tween the Provinces and the United States pro- of commercial freedom. They are precisely the ADMINISTRATION.
duces precisely the same effects in relation to the fears expressed by the protectionists of the North,
evils resulting from such a treaty, to a great extent. navigation between the United States and Great SPEECH OF HON. S. MAYALL, I have prepared a bill, providing for full and legiti- Britain. It was said that that great step towards OF MAINE,
mate free trade between the Canadas and the commercial emancipation would be the ruin of our
foreign trade, and drive our ships from the ocean IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES,
The bill which I intend to intrcduce provides, || in a very short period. Yet, instead of witness-
that whenever the Government of Great Britaining the predicted calamity, we behold our comThe House being in the Committee of the Whole | shall agree with that of the United States to admit
inerce expanding, our sails whitening every sea, on the state of the Union
certain articles of American produce or manu- and every part of the earth is made to contribute
facture therein enumerated, duty free, into the 10 the convenience and luxury of this highly Mr. MAYALL said:
British Provinces, the same articles produced or favored nation; our ships engaging in trade in Mr. Chairman: I desire to make a few remarks, manufactured by the British Provinces shall be which they never before shared, and successfully first, in relation to the financial policy of the Ado | admitted into this country also duty free. The competing with those of Great Britain in markets ministration, and secondly in regard to its territo- | articles enumerated consist of manufactures from from which they were before wholly excluded. rial policy.
grass, straw, whalebone, hair, hemp, iron, and all Then, I say, in view of the successful effects of
33D Cong....20 Sess.
Financial and Territorial Policy of the Administration—Mr. Mayall.
Ho. of REPS.
this system in the history of the past, where is Cattle of all kinds and sizes..
$140,176 not then discovered that it consisted in the privthe individual who is so completely destitute of
ilege of owning the bodies of their fellow creatures, Wool....
41,896 every principle of patriotic pride as not to rejoice
491.760 born on the same soil; children, perhaps, of the at the strides of our commercial freedom, and to
.1,181,484 same father; and nursed, it mighi be,, by the same welcome the approaching proximity of that glo. Barley and rye...
75,596 hands; but now, the right to buy and sell human rious maxim of Free trade and sailors' rights ?”
Beans and peas..
flesh is called "popular sovereignty.'
135,708 Nobody would now consent to return to the old
33,004 But, sir, it would appear that the Administrarestrictive system in navigation; the same will be Eggs
tion were not remiss in looking into the question found to be the case with free trade with the Prov- Unenumerated
1,705,664 of popular sovereignty. The bill repealing the inces. Instead of crippling our commerce, and
prohibition of slavery, was brought forward by Total .......
$4,929,084 injuring ship-building, it will enlarge the circle of
the friends of the Administration. It was urged the one, and stimulate the energies of the other. In this day, when new, and almost illimitable fields of
As can be seen by referring to table No. 9, in
upon the Senate and the House by the leaders of
the President's party. (I will not call them" Demcommerce are being opened to the enterprising and Canadian returns, the dutiable and free goods are
ocrats.”') The President's organ in this city, was adventurous, giving employment to more shipping thus stated for the year 1851:'.
constant and unceasing in its exhortations to pass than the industry of all now engaged in that work Dutiable imports into Canada from the United
that bill, promising, that if once passed, it would
States..... can supply, it is idle, it is preposterous to talk of
Free imports into Canada from the United States. 1, 117,388 | quiet all agitation, and give peace to the country. ship-building in, or the freighting business of, the
The people of the free States became alarmeđ; State of Maine being ruined, or even injured, in
$9,118,768 sent in their petitions; called on their Representthe slightest degree, by all the additions which
atives to oppose the repudiation of this time-honthe concentrated labor of all the Provinces em- Total quantity imported into the United States ored compromise-rendered sacred by its associaployed in ship-building can make to the common from Canada, for the year ending on the 30th
tions with the best men and greatest statesmen, stock of the world. June, 1852:
and patriots of our nation. But the popular mind And how much better is the objection based on
Wheat, (bushels) ..... 870.889..
of the North was regarded with contempt; the will * the hypothesis that reciprocity is to injure the Flour, (cwt.)
« 1,008,928 of the people was spurned by the Administration, lumbering business in which Maine is so deeply Rye, oats, &c., &c.
203,570 and these sincere advocates of "popular soverinterested ? Not a whit; pot a whit. It is an
eignty," and the repeal of the Missouri comproerroneous idea which some have entertained, that
mise was insisted on. Here, in this Hall, we facilities for transportation of the productions of
were told that the President desired the passage of the interior to the sea.coast, or that any evils ex- The above table proves conclusively that all the that measure, and Representatives were ihreatened tended to any branch of business whereby compe- | articles which the Provinces export come in free with political excommunication if they did not tition is created, will injuriously affect the price ofl of duty; for all the articles are named in the aid the Administration in carrying out this policy. those productions, or that branch of business thus schedule of the treaty, viz: “Grain, four, and The object was attained; the bill passed; slavery brought into competition. The experience of all breadstuff's of all kinds; animals of all kinds; was admitted into Kansas and Nebraska. practical business men proves the fallacy of this fresh, smoked, and salt meats; fish of all kinds Mr. Chairman, had the repeal of the Misopinion. All the competition which reciprocal hides, furs, and skins; pelts, wool, coal, fire- souri compromise been fairly placed before the trade with the Provinces will create in the lumbering wood; fish oil, butter, cheese, tallow, unmanu- people, the result would have been widely difor the ship-building business of Maine, will but tend factured tobacco," &c., &c. I would preferferent. It was smuggled through Congress in a to the benefit and profit of those branches of trade. the Elgin treaty to none for the State of Maine, most unjustifiable manner. Had it been known There is no danger that an ample market will not because Maine has to buy largely, for her own that Mr. Pierce was in favor of the repeal, he be found for all the lumber which Maine and the consumption, such articles as are exported from would not now have been an occupant of the Provinces can produce. The danger is rather that the Provinces. But I think I have proved con- White House. He had my cordial support, and both together cannot much longer supply the rap-clusively that it operates against the interest I exulted with thousands of others in his triumphidly increasing demand. The change which reci- of the United States, as a whole; therefore, I ant election; but the passage of that bill has scatprocity would lead to in this particular, as respects have called the attention of the House to the tered the party that sustained him to the four Maine, would be but slight.' Already the lumber subject, and prepared a bill, the provisions of winds. His opposers grasped this new issue regions of the State have been reduced to the St. | which, if carried out, will result more advanta- with avidity, and they will follow it up to the John and its tributaries. The amount remaining geously to the interests of both countries, and last extremity: The excitement on the slavery on the Saco, the Androscoggin, and the Kennebec, place the United States on an equal footing with question had begun to subside. The East, the is scarcely sufficient to supply the rapidly increas- the Provinces.
West, the North, and the South, were at peace ing deniand for home consumption. The same The next movement to which I desire to call on that subject. None desired to revive an agitaremark is fast becoming true of the Penobscot; at attention is, the repeal of the Missouri prohibi- tion so detrimental to commerce, and to the peaceful any rate, there is little danger that a ready market tion of slavery from Kansas and Nebraska. It pursuits of industry, The President's promises and adequate prices cannot be found for all the was a compact rendered sacred by the circum- in his inaugural had given hope that this quiet lumber that can be manufactured on its waters. stances under which it was entered into, by time, would be preserved throughout the continuance
The lumber regions of Maine at this time-all, and by the faithful observance of all statesmen of of his administration in power. The hatred of at any rate, that need protection-are, therefore, on the past and the present generation, up to the slavery, naturally strong in the northern mind, the St. John and its tributaries. What was the commencement of the present Congress.
was in repose when this firebrand was thrown condition of the lumbering interest there before the At the last session of the previous Congress, a into combustibles that would otherwise have rereciprocity treaty? Worse, infinitely worse, than bill was reported to this House by the Committee mained inert, and it has kindled a fire that cannot it can possibly be with reciprocity. The St. John on Territories, for organizing a government there. now be extinguished. And this was done by the is the only outlet. This river, or the mouth of it, is It made no allusion to the Missouri compromise, immediate friends, and with not only the marked within foreign jurisdiction. Our lumber has to pass leaving it in full force. The question was publicly approval, but also with the strenuous efforts of out of this river. In its transit it was subject to asked of the committee, or a member of it, why the present Administration. all manner of delays and pecuniary exactions, so the Wilmot proviso was not embodied in the bill? There was no immediate call for the establishthat lumber on the Maine side of the St. John | The answer was then made to the House, and the ment of a territorial government in Kanzas and was not regarded as worth more than one half as country, that slavery had been excluded by the Nebraska. Events have shown since, that the much as the same amount on the Penobscot. Let Missouri compromise, and that no repetition of object of the abettors of that bill was to avail themreciprocity of trade be established, under which we such exclusion would render it more valid. Sir, selves of the then condition of Congress, that they shall acquire the privilege of carrying our manu- no Democrat, no Whig then dreamed that this might pass through the repeal for the purpose of factured articles into the Provinces, and the advant- l exclusion of slavery was unjust or unconstitu- introducing slavery into that immense territory. ages resulting to the United States will be incal- li tional. No man, at that time, dreamed that “pop- A more impolitic course could not have been purculably great and valuable. It will furnish the ular sovereignty," of which we have heard so sued, even by the South. In all probability there manufacturers with a new and additional market much, consisted in the privilege of holding a cer- never will be another slave State admitted into this for almost every article manufactured in the United tain laboring portion of the population of this Union. If a compromise that had stood for a third State ', and thereby give an impetus to that branch country in bondage in the power to buy and sell of a century, that had become sacred by age, that of industry in which the New England States are persons who happened to be unable to defend the people looked upon as permanent, could be so so deeply interested. Under this Elgin treaty we ihemselves from such treatment. The bill passed easily set aside, is it reasonable to suppose that are deprived of equality in trade. The Provinces this body without opposition or objection on this there will ever be another? Such faithless, uncan bring all their productions to us, and we can- point; and when it came up in the Senate, the principled combinations are not to be trusted. not carry anything in return to pay for them, Vice President declared his hostility to tlre bill on Why do the people of the South wish to exwhich their trade demands, without paying duty account of the territory to which it applied being tend their “ peculiar institution” into free territhereon.
free by reason of this' Missouri prohibition, but tory? They, themselves, are not so disingenious The very able report made by Mr. Andrews declared, that so far as that objection was.con- as to deny that it is an evil-and a great evil-and on colonial and lake trade, in 1852, furnishes an
cerned, the bill might as well pass then as at any yet they not only refuse to rid themselves of it, abundance of evidence to prove this fact. From future day, for that prohibition of slavery could but show an intemperate zeal to extend the evil this report I quote the following list of exports
never be repealed. The Senate heard these remarks, to others. The institution of slavery, they say, from Canada to the United States, giving the
and assented to their correctness, so far as "silence is handed down from their ancestors. They find principal articles and values, for the year 1851:
gives consent;' for not a member expressed the themselves entrammeled with it, and cannot safely
least doubt of their perfect accuracy. Those grave extricate themselves from it at once. The gentleAshes......
$65,992 Lumber .........
and reverend Senators, who have since reasoned man says his finer sensibility does not reproach Shingles.........
20,732 80 profoundly upon "popular sovereignty," had ll him, as it is an evil that did not originate in him