being surrounded by cantons of a totally | how far their influence has penetrated into opposite character. But the jacobins, by the restoration of good order, were thrown out of the high places to which French influence had raised them. With the return of freedom to the majority of the people, all who had been the partisans of the revolutionary association, or of the republic one and indivisible, fell into disgrace. But to them the memory of their former power was sweet, and this sweetness was communicated to the form of government that had afforded it to them. Forthwith those pests of social order, as of religious faith, the secret political clubs, were formed and ripened. Some of these bore names the most inoffensive in appearance, but all were in connection with one another, and all working towards one end. The same kind of societies at this time were continuing, in the monarchical countries of Europe, the propagation of the wild notions of the French revolutionary school, and the conservative papers of the time contain frequent reference to their dangerous proceedings. With all of these, sympathy of aim brought the clubs of Switzerland into intelligence. The worst of these societies were the freeshooters, from whom at length the freecorps grew out. In their secret meetings they called themselves the godly marksmen, (göttliche shützen,) and gave themselves the mission of bearing a gospel of radicalism, by means of their carabines, to the benighted people of all Europe. Thus the plottings of these secret political lodges, from being aimed solely at the subversion of the Swiss constitution, and the enslaving of the independent cantons, growing to more formidable proportions, proposed at length a propagandism of destruction to all the nations of Europe; and the Swiss troubles assumed the form, as we said in the outset of this essay, of an European question. Indeed, supposing that national faith and the sacredness of solemn treaties were terms that retained any meaning in modern diplomacy, it was clear to the Swiss radicals from the first, that in attacking the integrity of the conservative cantons, they were throwing a defiance in the face of all Europe. To prepare for the effects of this, they pushed the ramifications of their secret organizations into all the countries of the European alliance; and the very courts of kings, and into the ministerial cabinets of the great monarchies, can be conjectured only by the most deeply implicated of their own managers, and perhaps by the Catholic priests, who, bound beforehand by their official vows to an eternal silence, are from time to time called to visit such on their death-beads.* At length the commotions of 1830 enabled these secret lodges to put forth and urge their proposition of abolishing the cantonal constitutions in favor of the old unitary scheme. But so deep was the attachment of the people in the much greater part of the cantons for their national government, and so utter their abhorrence of the centralizing demagogism, that the radicals found it necessary to change their tactics. They resolved first to produce revolutions in the governments of each conservative canton, the object of which was to place their own friends at the head of all the particular cantons. Having now done as much as they were able in this way, and having drawn into Switzerland all the bad men, the political and moral bankrupts of France, Germany and Italy, as far as they could, they proceeded at length to propose in the diet of the confederation a revision of the national pact, beginning with its first article. It was this first article that most expressly acknowledged the inviolable sovereignty of each canton, and limited the objects of the pact to defending the cantons from foreign aggression, and from efforts at home to interfere with the cantonal independence. Again, however, the diet rejected the proposition, amid the declaration of the conservative cantons that such a change would, ipso facto, dissolve the league, and that they would *The unmitigated horror with which the most intelligent and highest of the European clergy, whom we have met, invariably regard these secret societies, was at first the object of our amusement, or, to confess it frankly, of our ignorant derision; but further reflection, and especially further ac quaintance with the workings of European radicalism led us to inquire whether the priesthood were not precisely in the position to be possessed of dreadful details, which they were not at liberty to make any use of in the way of proof. The desperate means that the lodges employ to keep their members from intercourse with the priests on their death-beds, must be the subject of familiar anecdote to every one who has resided in the Catholic kingdoms. resist the proposed unitary government | ing out the decree of the diet. In place with their blood. The radicals then attacked the national charter in another way. Its twelfth article guarantied the inviolability of monasteries, convents, and capitulary foundations of the Catholic Church, throughout all the cantons of the league. In 1840 to 1841, Berne was the vorort,* or directing canton; and at its instigation the canton of Argow, on a charge of a Catholic conspiracy, directed by the monks of Muri, and which all parties have since acknowledged as a mere fabrication to give a momentary color to their already fixed determination, called in the aid of Berne, and by military force, after bombarding the Catholic villages, took possession of, plundered, and suppressed the ancient abbey of Muri, and all the convents that had sprung from it, and were established in the canton. A special convocation of the diet was instantly demanded by many of the conservative cantons. It assembled in April, 1841, and seventeen of the twenty-two cantons declared the suppression of the monasteries a violation of the charter, and namely of its twelfth article. Thereupon the diet requested Argow to withdraw the steps that had been taken, and restore the convents. The grand council of Argow, in reply, affected a tone of great moderation. It averred that the diet could not have understood the motives of Argow in the action that canton had taken. It made a friendly (freundnachberlich) request to the confederates to forbear following up the decree of the diet, but professed its readiness to submit, if they should urge its execution. This seeming moderation deceived many who had at first taken sides against Argow. Moreover, it cost nothing, for, as Berne was this year the vorort, it belonged to it to take the initiative in carry *According to compact the national diet is to assemble yearly and alternately at Berne, Zurich, and Lucerne. During the year ensuing, the can ton in which the diet has been held is considered the vorort, its president and council being the executive. This vorort has no original powers, it is merely to take the lead in executing what the diet has already decreed; nevertheless, persons acquainted with the detail of political intrigue will easily understand that this presidency gives it a great preponderance during the year, and enables it to carry many things into execution that would otherwise be impossible. of doing this, Berne looked on, without a remonstrance, at the further acts of confiscation of property and expulsion of monks, in which Argow engaged when it saw the storm averted by its smooth words. When the regular meeting of the annual diet was held, the majority in favor of compelling the canton of Argow to retract its proceedings was not sufficient to carry it into effect. It is an unfortunate fact, that the real principles at issue were not apprehended generally by the Swiss people at this juncture. The premeditated political schemes of the secret societies of Berne were not yet thoroughly penetrated, and hence it seemed impossible that some occasion had not been given by the Catholic parishes, or communes, for the extraordinary acts of Argow. Yet Switzerland was not without conservative journalists, Protestants as well as Catholics, who insisted that what was technically called confessional separation, i. e. the perfect right of the members of each religion to live free from the interference of others in matters of their belief, was a principle consecrated in Switzerland not only by the faith of treaties, but by the sanction of actual usage. To this end was cited the good understanding that had always existed between the Protestant cantons Zurich and Berne, and the Catholic districts of Baden and Freienoemter, which in 1712 were incorporated into them respectively, and so continued until the French Revolution. These Protestant governments had never meddled with the property or religion of their dependencies, nor yet with their hierarchical arrangements, though they were subject to a foreign Prelate, the Bishop of Constance. And so the Protestant villages, that from of old were subject to the palatinates of the Bishops of St. Gall and of Bale, though at the reformation they had changed their religion, were never interfered with after the new treaty of peace by the bishops who were their sovereigns. Nay, they permitted to their subjects in matters religious, an ultimate appeal to the governments and consistories of the cantons of Zurich and Berne, as esteeming it reasonable that they might distrust the impartiality of a government hostile to their confession. The Gazette Fédérale, a Prot estant but conservative journal, in a very able article that was reproduced in full by the Journal Historique et Littéraire of Liege, in its number for October, 1841, after citing and arguing on similar facts, remarks it as a singular phenomenon " that Protestants living under Catholic governments should have enjoyed such a foreign protection, while, on the contrary, Catholics under Protestant governments have never anywhere found it." And with still more point, as applying to the affairs of Argow, the article concludes with saying that, "Since the adherents of the Protestant communion, as no one doubts, would energetically repulse all intervention of Catholics in their religious concerns, as irrational and highly wicked pretensions, must we not likewise acknowledge that the intervention of Protestants in the domain of the Catholic church which is wholly foreign to their jurisdiction, is a violation of eternal justice, of constitutional equality, and even of sane human reason ?” So far for the views of the conservative journals in Switzerland, which showed at least good feeling, though only an imperfect grasp of the real points which were at issue. Their remarks were aimed at those who were disposed to favor the radicals because they thought them opposed only to the Catholic religion and its institutions, and this was the ground on which they argued plausibly, if not always soundly, for universal toleration. But the hungry radicals cared nothing for Protestant or Catholic their object was a political one; their desired good, like that of hungry radicals everywhere, was power and pelf. Could they have gained anything by it, they would have fawned on the Catholic priests, as the Italian radicals did on Pius IX. in the earlier stages of his reform; but the Swiss priesthood were predisposed to judge of political changes by the spirit of the first French Revolution, and thanks to Swiss radicalism, they had no opportunity to do otherwise. They were therefore conservative, as we think, to a faulty extreme-that is, in a wrong sense; they seem to us to have been conservative of political prejudices and customs, as well as of principles and methods. But it is a part of a true liberality to make wide allowances, in these matters, for times and circumstances; and, in details, to sometimes even distrust the influence that these exert on ourselves. At any rate the radicals hated the priesthood, (it is to the honor of the latter,) and desired their destruction, not because of dogmas of faith but of the influence that they exerted socially upon the body of the people, and in behalf of the national constitution. The grand object of the movements in Argow was to annul practically the Swiss constitution by attacking one of its fundamental provisions; and the radicals after this extended the plan of their operations. They succeeded in changing the cantonal constitution of Berne, and putting at the head of its new government the ringleaders of the free corps and their adherents. They also got the canton of Zurich into their hands. But on the other hand, they utterly lost Lucerne, where they had hitherto had a strong footing. The latter change was the result of a general religious revival throughout the canton; and on the head of this, so early as 1841, they made changes in the constitution of their canton in the sense contrary to radicalism; but we are not sufficiently well acquainted with their details to be able to judge of their propriety. One consequence of the changes in Lucerne, was the calling into the canton some four or five Jesuits to take charge of the Theological Seminary. Owing to the want of a right separation of the church from the state in the cantons of Switzerland, it was necessary that this call should proceed from the civil government of the canton. Had it been, as it should have been, a simple act of the bishop of the diocese, so small an affair could never have given occasion to so much noise. As it is, such an undue importance has been attributed to the fact, on one side and the other, that it is worth while to discuss it in a few words. We have never been able to tune our voices to the chorus of those commonplace romancers, or would-be remarkable people, Protestant as well as Catholic, who sing pæans to the Jesuits, as a race of heroes all, and worthy of the blood of Apollo. Still less have we ever found reason to believe that they are a band of dark, designing men, who cherish evil schemes against political order, or even political liberty. We were predisposed to think, and have found in effect, that when I just indignation at the outrage that Berne men become Jesuits the laws of human had done to Christianity, by calling to their nature are not abrogated in their behalf; seminary the body whose members whether and that therefore the members of that with reason or not, were popularly esteemsociety continue in character, in intellect, ed the boldest champions of Catholic docor in learning, some very strong, and oth- trine, and the most hateful to radicalism. ers very weak; but the greater part, as with other professional men, of a happy mediocrity; and if some have on occasion unhappily distinguished themselves by volubility of tongue, prominence of foibles, and exaltation of the imagination, we can remember that others have been remarkable for singular modesty, for the winning qualities of a mortified temper, and for the timely reticence that inspires confidence. And therefore, as we are not disposed to generalize what we find of admirable in individuals, so as to apply it to the whole society, reason compels us in like manner to excuse the society from the responsibility of individual imperfections. Meantime, the old question of the suppression of the monasteries by Argow, after being discussed from session to session of the diet, without result, was finally eliminated from its further discussions in 1843. The plea was, the necessity of avoiding whatever should seem in the least to interfere with the sovereign independence of each canton, and the vague promises given by Argow, that justice should be done. This permission of the confiscation of church property was a plain violation of the pact. Of the twenty-two cantons, twelve voted for its elimination, and seven against it; the remaining three were divided, and therefore lost. The seven cantons But in our character as politician and, who insisted on the diet carrying out its man of the world, when the society of Jes-former resolution, and forcing Argow to uits is called in question, we judge it as we would the free corps of Berne, or any other society existing in the state. What things, we ask, are laid to their charge? Where is the proof? Are these things punishable? What, and how severe, is the punishment they merit? And on these principles we feel bound to condemn or to defend them with the whole power of the state. The cantonal government of Lucerne was of opinion that good policy dictated the calling of the Jesuits to take charge of their theological seminary. It has seemed to us that the following were their motives: The radicals were determined to despise the federal constitution, and the sovereignty of the cantons; they were equally determined, as the event has proved, and as was clear from the first, to overthrow religion both Catholic and Protestant, in favor of the wildest rationalism. To this end the radicals, forthwith on accomplishing the substitution of their new constitution in Berne, called out of Germany, to preside in their theological seminary, Strauss, who had made himself so famous by the boldness of his attack on the historical truth of the New Testament. We can then sympathize with the course that Lucerne took, at once to vindicate the rights of cantonal sovereignty, and to express a restore the monasteries, hereupon felt that the confederation ceased to afford them the protection to which they had a right; and, without delay, they formed between themselves an alliance simply defensive, and hypothecated on the event of further encroachments on the part of the radical cantons. This alliance is what has since been known as the Sonderbund. This particular alliance in no wise infringed on the rights of the general confederation; for in the first place, it was one of the reserved rights of each sovereign canton, in case of internal commotion or peril, to call in to its aid just which of the other cantons it should choose; and in the second place, this very same kind of an alliance had been then many years in existence between seven Protestant cantons, which had leagued together against certain movements of the Catholics; and between four of them, viz. Berne, Solothurn, Argow and Thurgow, the same agreement still subsisted till the year 1847, and the thought of suppressing it was never mentioned. Yet in the face of all these facts, the same cantons that themselves were engaged in a league against the Catholic interests, denounced the Sonderbund as treasonable, and in 1846, the diet was mainly occupied with the question of its forcible suppression. Though the object of the Sonderbund was purely political, and extended no further than to the preservation of the constitution, and the independence of each canton, so it was that all the seven cantons composing it were of the Catholic religion, and this was likely to give it a religious complexion. But in the diet, the Protestant canton of Neufchatel, from its conservative sympathies, took the part of the Sonderbund against the radicals. For the rest, the Sonderbund was not formed sooner than it was needed, for in pursuance of the plan pre-arranged in the secret lodges of Berne, to change, or else overturn, the government of each individual canton, the radicals of Valais in 1844 rose in armed rebellion against the lawfully elected government of the canton. The canton asked the aid of its confederates, which was pledged in such a case by the treaty of alliance. But Berne and Vaud not only refused their aid, but openly threatened war against any other canton that should afford it. In this embarrassment, the canton of Valais, rather than convulse the confederation, relied on the patriotism and courage of the conservative part of its inhabitants, and, in effect, suppressed the rebellious faction. The radicals of Lucerne, with the aid of foreign desperadoes, made similar attempts on that canton, which the Lucerne government in like manner put down. | the liberty of Catholic worship,) and it was these same cantons that blushed not to demand the right of arranging the religion and private affairs of their sovereign equals; of prescribing who might and who might not teach in the seminaries of Catholic cantons, and amongst others, of that noble Schwytz, that, foreseeing their Punic faith, in 1815, had desired to decline forming part of the resuscitated league. On the 30th March, 1845, the free corps of Berne, Solothurn, Argow and Country Bale, entered by night the canton of Lucerne, and, joined by the parricides of the latter, attempted to take its capital by surprise. But the generous old Waldstaaten, Schwytz, Uri and Unterwalden, with Zug, the most ancient of their confederates, were on the alert, and warned by watchful sentinels of the gathering storm, they rushed to the defence of their ally. The free corps, though three times the number of the conservatives, did not venture within shot of the walls of Lucerne. They retired in a sort of panic, and no blood was shed. But henceforth the outbreak of civil war became certain; on all sides the saddest exhibition of interminable faction became visible. The Catholic towns in Argow were already with arms in hand ready to take their part. The Protestant town of Morat, in the canton of Friburg, on the other hand, ranged itself with the radicals. City Bale foolishly refused to vote at all, because its religious sympathies were opposed to its political principles. As we are exceeding our proposed limits, we cannot stop to detail the various steps of ruinous events that followed on this wretch The radicals, who, scattered abroad on all sides through Switzerland, had yet the centre of their counsel and of their strength in Berne, saw now that it was hopeless to expect the triumph of revolution in the conservative cantons by the unaided strug-ed state interference in religious matters. gles of the radical parties resident in those cantons. They therefore grew bolder, and the aid that they gave to the radical factions in Lucerne and elsewhere was no longer disguised. The radical cantons had hitherto violated their federal faith by refusing aid to put down domestic insurrection: they now proceeded to violate it, by directly attacking the cantonal sovereignty of Lucerne, Schwytz, Friburg and Valais. Twelve cantons had voted for eliminating the disputes in Argow, on a pretence of the supreme sovereignty of each canton over all affairs within its own territory, (which pretence was exaggerated and false, because the federal league had guarantied When the diet met in 1846, the revision of the federal pact, the expulsion of the Jesuits from all the colleges and seminaries of the Catholic cantons, and the dissolution of the Sonderbund, were the questions agitated, but which could not obtain the majority necessary for their determination. For the first of these, indeed, a unanimous vote of all the cantons would have been necessary, since each had entered the league individually. And as to the other questions, we have abundantly seen that any action upon them by the general diet would have been unconstitutional. But the radicals were determined to nccomplish their ends by some means, daa a |