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MAY 3, 1830.]
Culture of Silk. Tennessee Lands.
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day, for the purpose of takivg up and acting on the article Mr. McDUFFIE opposed the resolution; having underof impeachmen:
stood that the work proposed to be reprinted possessed no Mr. WHITTLESEY said, (this day being set apart by value. The instructions were too complex for uplettered themselves for considering private bills,) he, as the mem- people, and experience proved that it was of no use to ber charged with attending to this class of business, would them. Persons in bis part of the country, who made many say, that it was perbaps inexpedient to press the considera- pounds of silk every year, could derive po benefit from tion of many more of the numerous private bills yet op ihis book. the docket, because, if they were passed, and sent to the Mr. CAMBRELENG copcurred in the opinion that the Senate, and not acted on there, they would be in a worse book was not worth printing. A person engaged in pre. situation than if they remained as they are, for the House paring a work upon ihe same subject
, and who understood to take them up at the next session. He sbould not, there it wels, iuformed him that the manual was wortbless. Let fore, oppose the motion for postponement.
the committee take all the works on this subject, and comThe House then went into Committee of the Whole, pile one containing the best of each. Several works have Mr. STERIGERE in the chair, and took up the article of been since issued, that are superior to the one in question. impeachment reported by the select committee against Mr. BATES, of Massacbusetts, said, here was experience Judge Peck.
against experience. It was alleged by gentlemen that pracSome verbal amendments being made to the article, on tical, intelligent persone, professing to be able to give an motion of Mr. BUCHANAN,
account of the subject themselves, bad debounced the work The committee rose, and reported the article to the House, in question as worthless. Now, he had in bis district some and by the House it was agreed to without objection. men of some little intelligence, who were engaged in the
Mr. BUCHANAN then moved that the House proceed silk culture, who said the work was a very valuable acquinow to the appointment of five managers, to conduct the sition. He had received letter on letter for a copy of the impeachment on the part of the House of Representatives. work, but not one wąs to be bad. The book was valuable,
Mr. WILLIAMS inquired how many managers were because it gave an account of the best modes of cultivating appointed in the case of Judge Chase.
silk in countries where it had been cultivated for centuries. Mr. BUCHANAN replied that seven managers were As he had no doubt of the value of the work, and as it appointed on that occasion, but it was thought that five was not voluminous, be hoped the House would have it were as many as were necessary for the present case. disseminated, without regarding the pittauce it would cost. Mr. B.'s motion being agreed to,
Mr. WAYNE would not undertake to pronounce on the The House proceeded to the appointment of five mapa merits of the work, but he knew that many of the people gers, by ballot, when the following gentlemen received a whom he represented were very desirous to obtain it. In majority of votes, and were appointed, viz.
the early settlement of Georgia, the object of many was JAMES BUCHANAN, of Pennsylvania.
the growth of silk, and it was commenced and tried for some HENRY R. STORRS, of New York.
time. Why was it discontinued ! From one of two causes : GEORGE McDUFFIE, of South Carolina. Either by being superseded in value by other pursuits, or AMBROSE SPENCER, of New York.
being discouraged by the want of information. Mouy, CHARLES WICKLIFFE, of Kentucky.
however, continued the culture, and some bave prosecuted The first four were appointed on the first ballot. Four it for forty years, who residing on lands too arid for other ballots took place before a fifth manager was chosen, in all cultivation, bave gone on in the original pursuit; the culof which till the last the votes were pretty much divided ture has not been extended because of the want of suitable between Mr. WICKLIFFE and Mr. DODDRIDGE, besides information to iustruct them in it. He wished, therefore, whom a large number of members received more or less that the information contained in the work in question yotes.
should go forth for the benefit of those who needed it. He On motion of Mr. BUCHANAN, it was
referred to societies formed or forming in Georgia, for the Resolved. That the article agreed to by this House, to be cultivation of silk, to whom the information would be exbibited, in the name of themselves and of all the people particularly useful and acceptable. of the United States, against James H. Peck, in mainte Mr. SPENCER, of New York, rose to make some reDance of their impeachment against bim for high misde- warks, but the expiration of the bour arrested the debate. meanors in office, be carried to the Senate by the managers
TENNESSEE LANDS. appointed to conduct said impeachment. 1 On motion of Mr. BUCHANAN, it was
Mr. MALLARY moved to postpone the consideration of Resolved, That a message be sent to the Senate, to in the bill relative to the Tennessee lands uptil Thursday next. form them that this House have appointed managers to Mr. CROCKETT expressed a hope that the bill would conduct the impeachment against James H. Peck, judge pot be postponed. He would rather the bill were taken of the district court of the United States for the district up and rejected, than that it should be thus sported with, of Missouri, and have directed the said managers to carry as this would be the third time it had been postponed. He to the Senate the article agreed upon by this House, to be stated a number of facts and urged several reasova against exbibited in maintenance of their impeachment against the its further postponement. said James H. Peck, and that the Clerk of this House do The motion to postpone was pegatived: yeas, 62 go with said message.
The bill was then taken up. An amendment offered MONDAY, MAY 3, 1830.
by Mr. BARRINGER was accepted by Mr. CROCKETT ;
whicb was concurred in. CULTURE OF SILK.
The question being then on the engrossment of the bill, Mr. A. SPENCER, from the Committee on Agriculture, Mr. GRENNELL spoke at considerable length in opporeported the following resolution:
sition to the bill. Resolved, That ten thousand copies of the Manual on the Mr. CROCKETT earnestly defended the bill, and was growth and manufacture of Silk in other countries, trans- replied to by Mr. VINTON. mitted to this House by the Secretary of the Treasury on Mr. CHILTON demanded the previous question ; which the fifth day of February, 1828, be printed for the use of being seconded, this House. 713
Mr. VINTOŃ moved to lay the bill on the table, and Mr. POLK moved to lay the resolution on the table, but asked for the yeas and Days on the question ; which were the motion was negatived-Days 80.
The question was then taken on laying the bill on the most killed the child with kindness and this bill, if adopt table, and decided in the negative : yeas, 75-pays, 66. ed, would absolutely strangle it to death. The House then ordered the main question to be now I will only say further, on this point, if the people, the
rightful father of commerce, ever wish it to thrive, they Mr. WILLIAMS asked for the yeas and pays on the en. must release it from its vurse, and let it shift for itself
. grossment of the bill; which were ordered.
Sir, I think, if a plain and rational construction of the The question was then taken on the engrossment of the constitution is to prevail-if, in a word, the constitution bill, and decided in the negative: yeas, 69-Days, 90. is not interded as a mere license for the majority to plunThe bill was therefore rejected.
der and enslave the minority, your system of "protecting TARIFF REGULATION.
duties" has no foundation on wbich to repose.
Let us not be told that the Supreme Court, that creature The House then proceeded to consider the bill in alter- of a creature, must ultimately decide this great question, ation of the various acts imposing duties on imports. This would be a mockery, an absolute mockery. It is well
Mr. BLAIR, of South Carolina, said, that, as any pro known that the judges of that courtaccording to their ceeding here, connected with the tariff
, must be highly in. own decisions, either cannot, or will not, look into the mo teresting to his constituents, and as the bill was calculated tives and intentions of Congress. In the language of the to render the system still more odious and oppressive, he bar, they “ cannot travel out of the record”--they regard imagined that no apology would be thought necessary for only the title of the act; and the tariff laws of 1824 and the few observations he designed to make. As I do not 1828 purport to be revenue laws. You refused to call expect, [said Mr. B.] to be troublesome to this House, them by their right name. Apy hope, therefore, that that either pow or hereafter, by long or frequent speeches, I tribunal would redress our grievances, would be utterly hope I shall be heard with attention; and, sir, as the re- vain and idle. strictive system bears with peculiar severity on the people Much stress has been laid on the recent opinions of Mr. I have the honor to represent, I presume I may be allowed Madison, by some of the friends of the present tariff. With to speak of the tariff, and its effects generally
all due respect for that distinguished man, I must be ał I find, sir, tbat duties for revenue were laid on at vari- lowed to say, that. in bis late celebrated letter to Mr. Ca ous times, from the commencement of our Government bell, he bas used language, and presented views, very difuntil the year 1812 ; and although these duties did, in fact, ferent from those he set forth in various numbers of the operate as bounties on the home manufacture, we, of the Federalist. I bad provided myself with that book, in orSouth, neither objected to, nor resisted them, because der to read from it various extracts, with the view of conthey were thought necessary to meet the exigencies of trasting his former with his recent opinions. But this Government.
would be a painful task, and I decline it. I believe every Duties for the avowed protection of manufactures were gentleman who hears me, will acknowledge that it would first laid on in 1816, and bave been increased by almost be no difficult matter to quote Mr. Madison agaiost himevery subsequent Congress, until they have at length, in self
, in various instances. And, sir, if bigh names are to 1824 and 1828, reached a magnitude well calculated to form a criterion for determining our constitutional rights
, alarm every true friend to the welfare, peace, and harmo- we could array against the Mr. Madison of the present py of our republic.
day, the names of Jefferson, Pinckney, King, and many As regards the unconstitutionality of what is called others equally distinguished with himself. But, sir, I pro“protecting duties.” I shall say but little; it bas been so test against pinning our political faith to the sleeve of any often and so clearly pointed out, not only by the ablest great man. Whenever the people of the respective States men in this House, but likewise by the remonstrances of give up the right of interpreting the constitution for South Carolina, ard particularly by the ove presented by themselves, they will be no longer worthy of it. They her Senators at the last session of Congress, that I deem it will be fit subjects for an Asiatic despotism. Besides
, useless to say much on that point.
sir, we find that our great political sages are not altogeIt is acknowledged, on all sides, that the constitution ther infallible or consistent on topics of this kind. Mr. gives no express authority to Congress to impose a tariff Madison is not alone in bis inconsistency. Mr. Moproe, for any other purpose than that of revenue. But the friends few years ago, turned a complete political somerset on the of the restrictive system make out, or attempt to make out, Cumberland road. Having a bigh regard for Mr. Monthe powers by implication, by the most subtile, refined, roe's amiable personal character, and the goodness of his and far-fetched cocstruction. They pursue a course of heart, and the circumstance to which I allude being unisophistical, metapbysical reasoning, until they reason them- versally understood, I forbear to comment upon it all selves not only out of reason and cominon sense, but out this, Lowever, goes to show the folly and the impropriety of the constitution to boot.
of allowing our greatest and best med to interpret and de Some of the advocates of high protecting duties pretend termine our constitutional rights by construction. We to derive their authority frora that clause of the constitu- must judge for ourselves; and we must judge from the letter
tion which speaks of " the common defence and general of that noble instrument, and its irresistible ipferences, welfare.” The result of their legislation is a miserably These, sir, are some of my views of our great federal bad comment upon their doctrine; their provision for the charter. I may not have stated them with the most formal common defence is likely to terminate, and will eventually accuracy, because I am no lawyer-I cannot arm myself : terminate, in a great diminution of the public revenue with the technicalities of the courts. I cannot intrench cripple and deteriorate the resources of our pavy; and myself behind all the enormous pile of books and preparatheir fatherly attention to the “general welfare ” will end tion, of the bar. And, perhaps, I have as little inclinain universal bankruptey, misery, and distress. This, at least, tion as capacity for the task—all I can do, is to feel like a will be the result as regards ope portion of the United mad, and endeavor to speak like a Carolinian--and feel. States—I mean the South Atlantic portion.
ing thus, sir, I must say that South Carolina, and the southBut again, the authority for this inquitious system, this ern States generally, have never knowo or felt the Federal "rider on the pale borse (spoken of in the apocalypse,) Government but by its burdens, while the North has that brings all bell after it," is drawn by others from the known it only by its blessings. Where are all your great power to “regulate commerce with foreign nations." Yes, paval establishments, navy yards, and magazines kept! sir, and they have regulated it with a vengeance! They Nearly all to the North. In what direction do the offices have indeed acted the part of a cool-bearted, unfeeling and appointments of the Federal Government go ? Moststep-mother towards it; or, like the foolish nurse, have all ly to the North. And where is all that vast amount of
May 3, 1830.]
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treasure collected in the South expended? And where is whenever she is so, I
pray to my God she may become the patronage of the Govereinent principally bestowed ? another Hayti!!! Thiok you, sir, I am disposed to praise All in the North and the West. The South, and especially Carolina ? Pardon me, Cassius, the enemies of Cæsar South Caroliva, has "no share in the crop." Sir, she de- sball say this then, in a friend, it is cold modesty." sires none-sbe only asks you to let her alone. Sbe wants Do not apprehend, sir, that South Carolina wishes to nothing from you; but is willing to give you all that her separate from the Union. No State in the confederacy compact with you fairly entitles you to demand.
ever has or ever will cherish a more ardent and desperate No State in the Uniou ever exhibited greater patriot. devotion to the federal compact, provided you do not conism, or showed a more absolute devotion to the federal tipue to make it an instrument for robbing her citizens of compact, than South Carolina. In the war of indepen their hard earnings, and tyrannizing over her rigbts. No dence, she had more than her proportionate share of suf- State has ever been more accommodatiog to the federal fering. She never failed to contribute her full share, both interests than South Carolina. She bas nerer been a of blood and treasure, to the support of the good cause. party in the Supreme Court. In short, she has never been And I am proud to say, she was not deficient in head or troublesome to you in any way; but she cannot conseut in hand-in the council or in the field; but in both those to hold the rank of a mere province, and her citizens to be departments her bigb character was ably sustained by her enslaved. They will not become slaves to northern manuRutledges, her Pinckneys, her Moultries, her Marions, and facturers, that their negroes may be slaves to them. No, her Sumpters.
sir, you have no just fears to entertain in relation to South Well, what was her conduct in the late war? She not Carolina. She will do every thing, pay, sbe has done only contributed her full share of the means necessary to every thing that the federal compact, bonor, and patriotyour defence, but, when it became necessary for you to ism require of her; and after this, if the worst must come, defend her against the common enemy, as you were bound | wby, iu God's dame let it come!!!. If those who ought to to do, you acknowledged you were unable to do so. Your cherish her as an old revolutionary sister and confederate, resources were exhausted, or employed elsewhere. At regardless of their common sufferings and dangers, their your request and promise of remuneration, she used her joint achievements and their blended glory, still perowo purse ; she expended her own money, in doing that severe in ungenerous and unballowed attempts to beggar which, of right, you ought to bave done. But, when sbe and enslave her, she will defy you, sir. What I will she came to apply for your boasted remuneration, it was not again remonstrate? Yes, sir, she will remonstrate in refused in direct terms, to be sure; but such unknown, terms as vivid as the lightuing's flasb, and in a voice as complex, and fretful rules of evidence were established lond as beaven's thunder. I will not apologize for using in your departments, that few of her claims could be strong language. I speak the language of a sovereign brought within their requisitions; and South Carolina bas State, whose patient endurance is stretched to its last not, even yet, been reiinbursed her money. But, sir, un- limits. Uoder your iniquitous system, she struggles for der similar circumstances, she would do the same thing existence. During last winter twelve months I heard, in over again.
her own Legislature, the tale of ber enormous wrougs and Nor was she deficient during the late war either in ta- sufferings. It was familiar to me, and I know it was no lent or iu perve. Witness ber Croghan and Laval, her fiction ; yet it was then portrayed in such glowing, burnLowodes, ber Cheves, and Calhoun-the latter of whom ing words, as harrowed up every feeling of my soul. Yes, was justly regarded as one of the master spirits of the sir, I there heard eloquence, and I there saw a temper aud storm. It has been said in another place, and perhaps it a spirit that would bave done honor to classic Greece or may be said here, that in bim was found one of the first martinl Rome, in their proudest days; and, sir, from what and ablest champions of the system, now so much repro. I there saw and beard, I feel warranted in saying that the bated by his owo State. If this be true, it proceeded, no time is at band when her rights and her interests, in comdoubt, from an over-generous feeling, common to the mon with those of the South, must be respected, or she will South. Although the South, and especially South Caro- seek a remedy herself. She was only then restrained lina, bad suffered long and severely through the embargo, from doing so, by a confident belief that the new administhe non-intercourse system, and the war that succeeded ; tration, aod the present Congress, would turn a hearing ear and although during all this time the northern manufac- to her complaints. Sbe boped that you would retury to turers were reaping a rich barvest, yet at the close of that correct, constitutional principles--to an honest, economical, war our staple article was seen selling at more than three impartial policy, and this is all she desires. times its present price. The value of our lands and ne Sir, there are two erroneous impressions, against which groes was proportionably enhanced, and wealth teemed in I wish to guard this House. On the one hand, I entreat upon us from every quarter
. This could not escape the you not to imagine that South Carolina, or her representaavidity of the manufacturers. Enlisting our warm sym- tives, are disposed to menace, or to hold out any thing pathies in their behalf, they cried, “give, give;" and the “in terrorem." We are neither so vain nor 80 mad as to too generous South said, " take, take abundantly." But thiuk that we could gain our object by attempting to what they at first received very thankfully as a boon, operate on your fears. We would oply address ourselves to they soon arrogantly demanded as a right; aud South Ca- your patriotism-your justice, and, as we hope, a returnrolina has borne these in positions until "patience itself is ing regard for the constitution. no longer a virtue."
But, on the other hand, I conjure you not to believe Sir, there are but few other States in the Union that that she will be restrained from Asserting and pursuing her would have submitted to the shears of the manufacturers just rights, through any apprehension of her own weakas South Carolina has done. Had old Massachusetts, (a Dess. I am well aware that the physical as well as the State that I shall always venerate for her early and ardent moral energy of the South is very much underrated by å patriotism, her morality and intelligence,) bad she, sir, been certain set of gentry in this country. But, sir, that very affected by your tariff as South Carolina bas been, she part of our population which some suppose, and, perhaps, would long since bave taught you to respect her rights hope, would neutralize our strength, would, on the conand her interests, or she would have taken care of them trary, add to our power. A majority of them would, I am herself; and, indeed, as it is, some of her leading men confident, fight by the side of their masters. But, were it had like to have kicked up a confounded dust about the otherwise, and were we even weaker than our slandereis molasses. Well, sir, shall the South, with all her enthu- represent us, they ought to keep in mind the folly and the siasm and warm patriotic feeling, be less alive to insult danger of driving a high-minded, chivalric people to desand imposition than the cold regions of the North ? Sir, Iperation. Frederick the Great had once gained a decisive
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Impeachment of Judge Peck.
(MAY 4, 1830.
battle over the Russians. Couriers were despatched to abroad. In returo for which, they bring back goods, wares, Berlin with the joyful tidings. But a mere remnant of the and merchandise, on which high duties, freight, and com. Russian army, that Frederick had hemmed in upon the missions are exacted. But this principally comes out of banks of the Oder, and which he would neither take cap- the pockets of the southern planters, who produce the at tive nor suffer to retreat, but determined to drive them into ticles exported, and consume most of those imported. We the river-this comparative handful of inen, I say, under are, in this manner, subjected to a double imposition, while these circumstances, fought with such desperation as soon others bear scarcely any part of the public burdens. gave a new aspect to the field of battle.' Frederick was Sir, this state of things, alone, would seem intolerable
. totally defeated ; and in half an hour after the news of a But the evil does not stop here. The South not only makes great victory had been announced at Berlin, a new courier up the principal part of the revenue, and furnishes the stepped forward on the canvas, bearing a billet with these North with nearly all the carrying trade, but she is taxed words: "Let the queen, the royal family, the treasures, with high duties to enable northern manufacturers to comand everything that may be found possible, be instantly re- pete with those of Great Britain. moved to Magdeburg. All is lost i”
Sir, I feel this imposition much stronger than I can er Sir, a perseverance in your upjust policy will drive the plain it. Perhaps too strongly to be perfectly intelligible. South to equal desperation. It will “ sow dragon's teeth South Carolina is still willing to pay any duties, however amongst us, that will spring up in armed men." And who heavy, that are necessary for revenuemany that are really shall set limits to the exertions of a free people contending necessary for the exigencies of the Government; although, for their rights ?
at the same time, she is sensible that a very undue propor. But it is hoped there will be no necessity of resorting to tion of that burden will rest on her own people. But how extremities.
much longer she will go beyond this point inay be a very If South Carolina cannot remain in the confederacy on important inquiry. fair, equitable, and constitutional terms; if, finally, she has Under all circumstances, do you think it probable we no alternative but to adopt such measures as may eventuate will continue to purchase our clothing from the North, and in her separation from the great American family, or be our horses, mules, and provisions, from the West, while come a slave, she is disposed to leave you in peace; and we are deprived of an advantageous foreign market for she will leave with you—whatever may be her own des our agricultural products? Sir, if we are tame and mean tiny-she will leave with you her best wishes for your hap- enough to do so, we would not long possess the ability. piness and independence.
Sir, I had intended to say much more on this subject; bat But it is something worse than folly to imagine that any I have been very handsomely anticipated by my able and part of this republic can be completely independent of the honorable colleague [Mr. McDUFFIE) who preceded me. rest. If any part can be so, I ihink it is the South. The Much of that which I intended to say, bas been said by him; North and the West cao manufacture our raw material to and certaioly much better said thuo it could have been done a certain extent; but they cannot raise it. The South could by me. But there were some plain, unpleasant declaraboth raise and manufacture it in abundance. Her bays tions, in relation to the temper and opinions of the Soutb, and her mountains present inexhaustible sources of salt and which I thought ought to be publicly avowed here, and of iron. Her fertile soil and congenial climate can furnish which seemed to have escaped the attention of my worthy a redundance of provisions; and, sir, there is nothing she colleague. However harsh and grating the sound of those really requires that she cannot furnish from her owo soil disagreeable truths may have struck upon the ears of some and resources.
gentlemen in this House, I thought it due to candor-due We have been tauntingly told to supply our own wants, to the State, which I, in part represent due to this House
, and to erect manufactories also. Suppose we did; to whom and to myself, to make this emphatical declaration of them. could we sell i To the northern or western people? Sure I Lave, sir, another reason for abridging my remarks at ly not-they manufacture for themselves, and have to the present moment. The session ia, or ought to be, nearly market but ours, either for their live stock, their provi: at a close. We have several very important measures yet sions, their clothes, their clocks, and other "little notious," before us, on wbich we ought to act, and which must neNeither of 18 could compete with Europeans in a foreign cessarily be discussed. I discover, too, that a great many market. Before we can do so, we must wait till all the gentlemen are very anxious to speak on this very subject fertile lands of the West are inhabited, our country over. now under consideration; and I, for one, am disposed in stocked with a starving population. We must wait till labor indulge theni. is as cheap here as io Great Britain; our workmen as skil. Allow me, then, in conclusion, to say, once for all, that ful as hers; and, finally, we must wait till that noble spirit the people of South Carolina will consent to wear their own of the free and independent American is exchanged for the homespiin all their lives-they will submit to any privation servile, slavish character of the poor, dependent British |--Day, they will suffer aonibilation—before they will be subject. The very fact that you require protection for come slaves or dependents. your manufacturers here, where you have neither freight, Mr. DAVIS, of Massachusetts, spoke in favor of the bill
, insurance duties, or commissions to pay, is conclusive evi- and in reply to the objections which had been made to it. dence that you cannot possibly compete with Europeans Before he had concluded, he gave way for the purpose; in a foreign market. Your demaod for our raw material, and on motion of Mr. DRAYTON, the bill was passed by. with all the legislation that could be given in your favor, would be comparatively trifling. Great Britain and France could consume the whole, in as much as they manufacture
TUESDAY, MAY 4, 1830. for the whole world. But if we cease to buy their goods,
JUDGE PECK, they will cease to buy our produce. I take it to be a po. Mr. BUCHANAN, frotn the managers appointed on the litical axiom, that commerce depends on the reciprocal part of this House to conduct the impeachment against exchange of one article for another; and that a country James H. Peck, judge of the district court of the United which will produce nothing that will sell abrond can buy States for the district of Missouri, reported: pothing abroad.
" That they did, this day, carry to the Senate, then in The North and the West are pretty much in this situa- session as a high court of impeachment, the article of tion. They must get hold of the rice, cotton, and tobacco impeachment agreed to by this House on the 1st instant ; of the Suuth, in order to use those articles as so many bills and that they were informed that they would take proper of exchange in a foreign market. They are paid freight measures relative to the said impeachment, of which the And commissivus on those articles of produce so taken | House would be duly notified."
MAY 4, 1830.]
Tennessee Lands.-The Tariff.
[H. OF R.
thougbt proper by his amendment to propone an entire reMr. GRENNELL moved a reconsideration of the vote vision and alteration of the revenue laws. I do not comof yesterday, on the third reading of the Tennessee land plain of this, as gentlemen from the southern portion of bill, stating that he did so at the request of the gentleman the United States
seem very solicitous to make this a matfrom Tennessee, [Mr. CROCKETT) who was willing to ac- ter of discussion, though I should have preferred acting on cept the amendment suggested by the gentleman from the matters in the bill by themselves, disconnected from Obio, [Mr. VINTON] to place the proceeds of the lands in the exciting considerations contained in the amendment. the nntional treasury, instead of giving them to the State
I shall then ask the attention of the House to the bill; of Tennessee, as proposed by the bill.
but, before I resume my seat, I shall also take notice of the Mr. WILLIAMS was opposed to the reconsideration, leading arguments urged by the gentleman in support of and demanded the yeas and nays on the question.
his amendment for this is due to the source from whence Mr. CROCKETT expressed an earnest hope that the they emanate, as well as the importance of the consideraHouse would reconsider the bill. He was willing to ac
tions involved. cept the amendnient of Mr. VINTON, as be bad become The only question deserving notice in the bill is, whether convinced that the State bad no legal claims to the lands; the revenue laws have been evaded, and the Government and bis great object was to secure the occupants in their defrauded to an extent which calls for a remedy., It is my possession, without regarding whether the purebase mo- purpose to be very brief on this head, especially as the ney went into the coffers of the United States or of the gentleman from Vermont (Mr. MALLARY) went largely into State. He proceeded, at some length, to explain the con- the facts ; and the proofs be laid before us seem not only dition of the occupants, the necessity of granting the relief to be unquestioned, but the gentleman fron South Caro proposed, and to animadvert on the conduct of North Ca- lina admits that frauds do exist. Tulina, and the University of that State, in relation to the
The first evidence to which I shall invite the attention land titles in Tennessee.
of the committee, is the President's message, in which we Mr. BELL submitted, at considerable length, his objec- are advised, the frauds are perpetrated to such an extent, tions to the reconsideration, and his dissent from some of that he has felt it a duty be owed to his station to call on the views of Mr. CROCKETT.
the legislative branches of the Goverument for their inMr. CARSON and Mr. BARRINGER successively de- terposition to suppress them. It is reasonable to presume pied and replied to the statements of Mr. C. touching the that the President would not invite our attention to the conduct of North Carolina, and explained and defended subject, unless he was io possession of proof that frauds that State against the imputations of Mr. C. In reply to exist. I believe it is not usual for that officer to transmit a remark made in the course of the debate, respecting the to us the evidence on which he makes the statements in tardiness of North Carolina in coming into the Union, Mr. bis anoual message. We consequently do not possess that BARRINGER took occasiou to say, that though that State evidence, but still we ought, in fairness, to presume that was the last to come into the Union, she would be the last be possesses enough to warrant his assertions. But be this to go out of it.
as it may, unless I am greatly misinformed, there is proof Mr. CONNER also replied warmly to the allegations of sufficient in the Treasury Department to satisfy any one Mr. CROCKETT, respecting the conduct of North Carolina.
who will examine it, that the revenue laws are shamefully Mr. C. JOHNSON, Of Tennessee, zealously supported violated. the reconsideration of, and policy of the bill.
But, sir, the proof does not stop bere; for we have on Mr. McCOY rose to move that the motion be laid on the our tables another document, (somewhat Apocryphal, if all table, but gave way to
the critics and reviewers have said of it is true,) emanating Mr. CROCKETT, who replied to the gectleman who from the Committee on Commerce; but as the source from opposed his views, and further advocated the bill. whence it comes is not suspected of partiality towards the
Mr. McCoy then, after a few remarks, moved to lay industry of our country, I may with safety quote it as an 1 the motion for reconsideration on the table; which motion authority to prove the violations of the revenue laws. We was carried without a division,
are told in this report, which purports to be a review of
the condition of commerce and navigation, but which is a THE TARIFF LAWS.
philippic against the tariff, that frauds to such an enor The House then went again into Coinmittee of the mous extent exist, that, if we follow the statements of the
Whole, Mr. Polk in the chair, and resumed the tariff writer out, they will appear incredibly great 1 subject.
We have yet another document, which comes here bear Mr. DAVIS, of Massachusetts, spoke an hour and a ing the names, as I am informed, of about twenty thouĮ balf in continuation, and conclusion of the remarks wbich sand citizens of the city of New York, who allege, io sub i
he commenced yesterday, in support of the protecting sys- stance, that the regular trade of that city is depressed to tem, and in reply to Mr. McDUFFIE.
a ruinous extent by the united energy of sales at auction [His remarks were to the following effect :)
upon the revenue; the sales at auction, by their Mr. D. said, he should make no apology for entering despatch, being a principal means by which all traces of into a debate which had assumed a most interesting and fraud upon the revenue are obliterated. Their joint co. important character; and should first recall the attention operation, it is said, bears with the most alarming severity of the committee to the measures immediately before upon all fair and regular trade. I bave noticed the memo them, as the gentleman from South Carolina (Mr. MoDur- rials of these persons, because they are as free from all FIE] had, in his speech of three days, omitted to notice it. suspicion of bias towards the tariff as the Committee on This is necessary, that we may be able to determine wheth-Commerce, being avowedly bostile to the protection of er the amendment proposed by bim, which provides for a American industry. I hold in my hand one of these megeneral reduction of duties, is the appropriate remedy; or morials, signed by an officer of the custon-house, in which the bill itself, which contains provisions of a very different it is said, " the revenue is largely and systematically decharacter.
frauded." The proofs of this alarming truth. are so abunThe bill proposes only to adopt such measures as will dant, that it bas long been a settled point among intelligent carry into effect existing laws, which are now imperfectly merchants." And it is added, that “the officers of the executed. Apprehensions being entertained that frauds customs in this city, whose experience has been on the are perpetrated in the collection of the revenue, the bill largest scale, and who bave devoted much attention to this nas been reported with a view to their suppression ; but subject, concur in the opinions and facts which we have the gentleman, instead of advancing that object, has now stated." The officers of the customs! Yes, our own.