whole State, while they may give such direction to their benefaction as will cause its benefit to enure to the advancement of classical education, or that of the practical sciences, as each may prefer, they will give and give generously.

Eighthly. The union thus formed, receiving at once from the avails. of the land scrip a large addition to its resources, will be able to vie with the institutions of other States in some measure, in its equipments and attractions—and this with the common and general interest of the citizens, the natural pride of State, and the enlargement of the scope of instruction, will draw our own young men to the hall of their own State University for instruction. From Dartmouth and Harvard, from Union and Yale, from Brown and from Williams, they will be attracted to the College of their own State, and then Vermont will do what long ago she should have done, educate her own children.

Such are some of the considerations that prominently suggest themselves in any thoughful consideration of this great subject; and they press themselves forcibly forward before the public mind. For many years, among the wiser friends of education in Vermont, the conviction has more and more prevailed, that the reduction of our numerous, various and independent educational institutions to one complete and symmetric system, is the first and greatest need of the State. Thus a gradual return to the original plan of the early friends of education has long been earnestly advised, and the gradual substitution of Graded Public Schools for Academies has naturally grown out of this prevalent conviction.

The union of our colleges has long been looked upon as the next step in the natural order of progressive advancement, and has been with constantly increasing momentum urging itself upon general attention. Under ordinary circumstances the consummation of such union might possibly not have been generally expected for some years; but the liberal grant of public lands by Congress and its formal acceptation by the State, have united to force the matter forward, until by the act for the establishment of the Vermont State University and Associate Colleges, an opportunity so favorable for the completion of a consolidation upon some terms is offered, that it would be almost simple to believe that nothing will be attempted or accomplished under the act.

Indeed the probabilities are so strong as to amount to a certainty that if neither of our colleges conclude a connection with the State University, under the charter, then the new State University will be organized upon a new and independent basis, and will begin its proper work and under the most favorable circumstances, with such probable results to other institutions as have been already herein suggested.

But it is so probable as to be measurably certain, that either one or both of the colleges will effect a junction with the new University.

Should this junction be effected with one, or with both? If with both, how? By complete concentration in one place? By a single University operating in two localities?

These are important questions, and they are by no means abstract questions; but in the full signification of the terms they are practical questions, that must and will be presently determined to the great benefit or detriment of the educational prospects of the whole State.

The auspicious time, so long hoped for by many good men, seems to have come, when propriety, expediency and indeed necessity combine to scatter all frivolous objections, and demand a decision.

In the full belief that that decision will be made; that at least one of these colleges will accept the charter and profit by it, if the other does not; compelled to know fully and feel deeply the important bearing of the decision to be made upon the general educational interests of the whole state, including of course those that appertain more particularly to common schools, I have felt constrained by a sense of duty to attempt thus early in a year destined to be the most eventful and important year in the history of the educational progress of our State, to present to the public mind a view of a few of the many and important considerations that bear upon the disposal of this great question. No apologies seem to be necessary for the course taken. It is simply a compliance with the requirement of the law which directs the Secretary "to exert himself constantly and faithfully to promote the highest interests of education in the State."

I respectfully ask, that you will look over this circular, and as far as convenient bring the subject before the minds of other intelligent men. If the suggestions herein carry weight enongh to secure discussion and thought, a public sentiment will be formed and in one way or another expressed, which will exercise a controlling power upon the disposition of this matter.

And I also solicit from you, as soon as practicable, an expression of your own views as well as a statement of the prevalent opinion of judicious men in your vicinity in regard to the desirability and practicality of effecting an enduring union of colleges.

When such union shall be, as it may be and probably will be, a ccomplished; when all the friends of higher culture shall unitedly cluster around one strong and permanent State University; when all local and partizan jealousy shall be extinguished; when by State and individual benefaction the one State University shall have the pecuniary ability and the prospect of educational power, to call home again to her ample halls, thronged with the young men of the State, our Boardmans, our Shedds our Clarks, and a host of other true and strong men, a new day will have dawned upon Vermont, and a brighter than sun-light will gild the hoary erests, of her solemn and grand old mountains.

J. S. ADAMS, Secretary.

Such was the circular, and it was distributed through the State.Its purpose was to present a fair and impartial sketch of the origin of the division of the collegiate strength of the State, showing as the fact seems to have been, that it arose rather from a true and unselfish devotion to the interests of education than out of partizan feeling; and drawing attention to the intimate and necessary inter-dependence and relation existing between all the various grades of educational institutions, it endeavored to establish the feasibility and desirability of perfecting the symmetry and increasing the power of the State Educational system by uniting the existing colleges of the State in one State University.

Without attempting to argue at length and precisely the various questions necessarily involved, the attempt was made to bring the subject home to the apprehension and interests of all classes, many of whom do not habitually give their attention to the discussion of the bearings and tendencies of the higher educational seminaries.

An effort was made to show that many of the obstacles in the way of a college union were not, as was supposed and often stated, insuperable; and to combat the somewhat prevalent impression that, owing to the difficulty of surmounting those obstacles, no measures would be taken by either of the existing colleges to profit by the act of incorporation, but that it would become null and void for want of acceptation by either of those institutions. The prediction was ventured that at least one of the State Colleges would accept and conform to the requirements of the act, and the averment was made, that even in case all of the colleges should decline the proposed union, still in such case, in all probability, a State Agricultural College would be established.

And events that have occurred since the distribution of the circular, have fully justified the prediction; for already the University of Vermont, through the action of its authorized trustees, and in implicit reliance upon the fulfilment of the pledged faith of the State, has formally after long and well considered discussion, elected to unite with the newly constituted University and sacrificing its own individual and peculiar predilections in an earnest devotion to the highest educational welfare of the State, and incurring the risk of a rupture of all the many and cherished associations that for more than half a century have connected the college with the unsurpassed beauty of its surroundings, has formally and solemnly transferred all its property, rights and privileges, to the Vermont State University.

It will be seen thus that the alternative courses of action contemplated in the circular as possible, are now by the action of the U. V. M. reduced in number. And it is now certain, either that Norwich and Middlebury will both refuse to unite, or one alone will nite, or both will aocept the act of incorporation and join with the U. V. M. in constituting together a single, powerful and permanent State University.

While the discussion that has resulted from the recent legislation of the State has indicated an almost universal concession of the desirability of a junction of the colleges, it has also revealed a great diversity of views as to the practical measures by which so desirable a result may be attained. And the diversity of view has apparently been much enhanced by a great difference of opinion as to the character which should be given to an Agricultural College established under the congressional act.

As this point has been somewhat discussed by the Hon. Isaac Newton, commissioner of the National Agricultural Department, in his bimonthly Report for January and February last, I insert that portion of the report which relates to this subject, which may be considered to be, in a measure, an official interpretation of the intention of the act of Congress.

AGRICULTURAL COLLEGES.

This Department has received various letters asking its views relative to the best system of instruction for the agricultural colleges to be established under the act of Congress of July 2, 1862, donating public lands to the several States and Territories to provide colleges for the benefit of agricultural and mechanic arts. As Congress had in view the establishment of at least one college in each of the States and Territories, and as the experience of the United States in such institutions has not been either extensive or successful, it is highly necessary that public sentiment should be awakened, that by enlightened action success may be obtained. public sentiment cannot be acted on, in this matter, more speedily than through this Department, and hence it now complies with the request in these letters; not expecting to control this public sentiment, but simply to aid in its development, and to be the means of uniting its action.

This

But there are other reasons why the Department must ever be deeply interested in the successful establishment of these colleges. Some of them are the following: 1. The Department needs much the aid it would derive from these colleges. They will have experimental gardens and farms, skilful professors to properly conduct experiments, to carefully note them, and to properly report them. Hence, when the Department imports new seeds and plants, it can, through their aid, at once determine their adaptability to this country, and the climate, soil, and cultivation proper to each. The distribution of seeds, cuttings, &c., could then be made on a most economical basis, because they would be distributed only where they could be advantageously grown. Seeds, when thus tested, could be grown by these institutions, and thus a large sum of money now sent abroad would be distributed at home.

2. From these colleges would be received reports of the experiments made, and these would be placed before the farming public through the reports of the Department, and thus, with the seeds and cuttings distributed, would be communicated the mode of cultivation adapted to each.

3. A great object with this Department must be to systematize the agriculture of the United States; and how can this be so well done, over a country so extensive, and of such diversified latitudes and products, as by the aid of local institutions, under the direction of high intelligence, and aided by the special agencies which will be found in them?

4. To render most practicable and useful such systematized farming, the aid of institutions having local influence will be essential, as instructors of leading farmers, and to obtain such State legislation as may, from time to time, become necessary to a more speedy advancement.

These reasons, without stating others, are sufficient to show how deep an interest this Department must ever take in the proper establishment of these industrial colleges.

In considering such establishment, the first inquiry to be made is, What course of instruction should be adopted by them?

There are no settled opinions, in answer to this question, to be found in the United States. So far as they have been expressed in the course of study in our few agricultural schools, and in the writings of those who have sought to mould public opinion, the instruction proposed has contemplated a preparation for the farm only. The languages have generally been regarded as useless, and the course of mathematical studies has been too limited. In this, we think, lies the failure of our agricultural colleges. Such limitation may be adapted to European affairs, where the son seeks to continue in the father's occupation. But here the farmer's son is no more destined to agricultural pursuits than the son of a professional man. Here the merchant longs to be released from the distracting cares of commercial pursuits, and the opulent manufacturer from the dangers of changing markets. Both anxiously desire the rest and enjoyment found in the country life. And with them in this wish is the professional man and the politician. And it is a natural desire; it is a part of man's nature, as it was in conformity with it that God placed our first parents in the garden of Eden, or, that the homes of illustrious Americans have become a part of their fame, as Mount Vernon, Monticello, Ashland, and Marshfield. And this desire would be a hundred fold strengthened if early education fitted all for an intelligent pursuit of agriculture, as well as other occupations of civilized life. A system of education, to be successful, must be in conformity to the tastes and pursuits of a people. The time is not yet come in the United States when the son will inherit the father's occupation. Nor is it desirable that it ever should be so. The eminent success of Americans in all the pursuits of life; the intellectual and physical energy they have displayed in them; the facility with which this intellect takes hold of the most diverse pursuits-all point to a condition so different, both mentally and socially, from the countries of Europe, that its agricul tural schools furnish but an imperfect basis upon which to rear our own. We must mark out a path for ourselves.

Congress, in the act referred to, seems to have been governed by this American condition of things. Its provisions are broad and liberal. It recites that in the colleges to be established "the leading object shall be, without excluding other scientific and classical studies, and including military tactics, to teach such branches of learning as are related to agriculture and the mechanic arts, in such manner as the legislatures of the States may respectively prescribe, in order to promote the liberal and practical education of the industrial classes in the several pursuits and professions of life."

It will be seen from this that these colleges are not to be agricultural only. The education of mechanic, manufacturer, merchant, and miner, is demanded, as well as of the tiller of the soil. All the industrial classes are to be fitted for an intelligent career in the several pursuits of life. Anything less broad would not have been equal justice to all. It requires, too, military instruction-that the citizen may be qualified for duties the discharge of which is now demanded of so many -and it does not exclude "other scientific and classical studies."

The American youth have a broad career before them. Neither the farm, nor the workshop, nor a subdivided labor in either is to be the bound of their emulation or labor. The son of the farmer must be permitted to obey the promptings within him, and, like Mr. Webster, to hang the scythe on the tree, or, like Mr. Clay, to ride to the highest political stations, as well as on the horse's back to mill. Like Washington, he should be fitted for the chain and the compass, or the camp, or political rule, or the management of a landed estate.

It may be answered in the senseless aphorism that a "Jack of all trades is master of none." The career of Henry Ward Beecher furnishes a reply. He lately told us, when in England, that he was bell-ringer, too, in his first church. When